John Pinder: An Intellectual Leader in Politics


The pdf version of the lecture is available on The Federal Trust website.

John Pinder Lecture, held on 10th November 2016, by Professor Roderick Pace
TEPSA Pre-Presidency Conference “Restoring Faith in the EU” in Malta

JohnPinder-270x270John Pinder brought much wisdom to the European integration project and when he passed away last year all who knew him or were familiar with his work were deeply saddened by his loss. But he did not leave a complete void behind him, since the Federal Trust where he worked for many years continues to be active, while his works are still with us as a point of reference.

Considering the turn of events this year, it was perhaps a benevolent twist of fate that his passing occurred a year before the Brexit referendum result which would have hurt him deeply. For John Pinder had dedicated almost his entire life to two important and connected causes: federalism, comprising the federal unification of Europe, and the UK’s membership of the European Union.

In this connection, I was struck by what Lord Jenkins had written in 1990 in his foreword to Pinder and Mayne’s Federal Union: The Pioneers:

Britain is now securely in Europe in the sense that no foreseeable government is going to come out of the Community”.[1]

Alas, that prognostication has now been invalidated, which reminds us how dangerous it is to assume that the impossible will never happen in politics or in the EU.

In this first lecture in memory of John Pinder, I will discuss some of the points which attracted my attention in his life and works.

Andrew Duff, who knew him much better than I did, could not have chosen his words better when he described John Pinder as a “rare thing: an intellectual leader in politics…”, which I chose as a title for this lecture. Andrew went on to liken his involvement in the European integration process, to that of a pilgrim, “trudging on in high spirits with stubborn perseverance towards a destination becoming ever clearer and nearer.[2]

John Pinder was a pragmatic federalist who believed in the goal of the federal unification of Europe, but at the same time understood and accepted, that when the attainment of this goal was not immediately possible, intermediate steps in its direction were still welcome. He seems to have harboured serious doubts from the early stages of his involvement in the European federalist endeavours, about the traditional approach of emulating what the Americans had done at the Philadelphia Convention in 1787.

He was a genuine follower of Jean Monnet and the logic of the Schuman Declaration which emphasized that “Europe will not be made all at once…(but) through concrete achievements which first create a de facto solidarity.” He synthesized the federalist and neo-functionalist approaches into what he later described as “neo-federalism”.[3]

My encounter with John Pinder began in the 1980s through his polemical 1963 monograph Europe Against De Gaulle in which he vented his strong criticism of the General after he vetoed Britain’s application to join the Common Market.[4] Pinder’s style could not be more pleasing to the ear of a young and rebellious student. Some years later I managed to acquire a copy of the book autographed by the author himself.

I met John Pinder for the first time in Malta, in 1987, when he participated in a two day conference organized by the European Movement at what was then the Dragonara Palace Hotel. The event was held in January and I vividly recall that the weather was not all that clement and was indeed wet and cold. He spoke to a large audience which included many leading European and Maltese personalities, among them some well-known speakers such as Robert Triffin. Some of the Maltese politicians attending were later to play a significant role in leading Malta in the EU. Pinder spoke on “A European Plan for the Development of the Mediterranean” in which he proposed that the European Community could become a stabilizing force in a polycentric world. After detailing the difficulties which the world was going through, it was the Reagan and Gorbachev era, he proposed that the Community could start with the Mediterranean in dealing with these problems and if it managed to achieve peace in the region it could go on to “other and wider things”.[5]

In later years I met Pinder several times at meetings of the European Movement and in 2005 I attended the Zagreb conference of the University Association of Contemporary European Studies (UACES) when he was awarded the first Lifetime Achievement Award. As many who knew him know, he loved walking and on the day of the award we chanced to bump into each other in the lobby of the hotel and he asked me to stroll with him to the venue, situated half an hour’s walk away.

Pinder claimed that he had written Europe against De Gaulle in three weeks, although it had been in his head for quite some time. Thirty-five years later he described the episode as “the only time he was let out of his cage.[6]

I suspect that after publishing it, Pinder must have had a few misgivings for the strong words he used, for he carefully omitted any mention of it in some of his bio-notes.

But I still value the book for two reasons, firstly because sometimes intellectuals need to “blow their top” and secondly because it sheds a great deal of light on Pinder’s world view.

His criticism of De Gaulle was biting, audacious for some and for others not very far from the truth. Pinder criticised him of continuously blocking the development of “Monnet’s Europe”, for acting like a chauvinist and for his hostility to the United States.

Pinder was troubled by De Gaulle’s intransigence on disarmament and what he saw as his attempt to undermine the United Nations. He called him a demagogue employing Machiavellian techniques and capped it all by comparing him with a “dinosaur fit for the museum”.[7], [8]

Pinder pointedly criticised De Gaulle’s l’ Europe des Patries on the grounds that it would weaken western European unity and increase the risk of American or Russian hegemony over Western Europe.

Unsurprisingly, Pinder took special umbrage at De Gaulle’s “realist” approach in international relations. Pinder held that surely the tools of foreign policy cannot be limited to passing coalitions of states, to the balance of power or to Machiavellian diplomacy. Not even well intended summits, intergovernmental conferences or non-aggression pacts were enough for Pinder. He advocated what he called the Monnet Revolution.

This rejection of realism is connected with one of the most haloed principles of the British federalists which is encapsulated in Lord Lothian’s 1935 essay [“Pacifism is not enough – Nor Patriotism Either”] which attributed the outbreak of war to “international anarchy”. Lothian had written:

“… the fundamental cause of poverty and unemployment, of the partial breakdown of capitalism, and of war, in this modern world”.[9]

For Lothian, what was needed to reduce international anarchy, was to put the international system under the rule of law which implied some form of international Governance.

Like many leading thinkers of the inter-war and post war period, Pinder strongly resented extreme nationalism because it tended to increase competition among states and stood in the way of inter-state cooperation, thus helping to strengthen international anarchy.

He accepted that national governments must look after their legitimate interests, but the pursuit of national interest and power cannot be the fundamental aim of policy. As such it must be replaced by the effort to identify the general interest and to embody it in common institutions that group the nations together.[10]

Pinder hoped that the Monnet Revolution could lead to the unification of Western Europe which would in turn open the door for a transatlantic Partnership, and hopefully to two other positive spinoffs: a new deal for emergent nations based on the mobilization of economic aid to spur on their development and a partnership with Russia, which was the key to real world disarmament.

The Monnet Revolution as seen by Pinder rested on three fundamental principles: (a) the search for common interests; (b) the creation of partnerships centred on agreements; and (c) the conversion of partnerships into communities based on institutions of supranational democracy, in the viability of which he profoundly, if controversially believed.

It was essentially pragmatic and hardly utopic, as he himself highlighted “not a reaching for the stars, but one step after another up the side of a mountain.”[11] On the other hand Pinder considered De Gaulle’s l’ Europe des Patries as a throwback to the politics of Europe in 1913.

In 1969, after De Gaulle left the political scene, Pinder co-authored with Roy Pryce a much less confrontational sequel to his 1963 book, appropriately entitled Europe after De Gaulle: Towards The United States of Europe.[12] The authors kept to the same principles and normative framework of the 1963 work, extending the argument by a broader treatment of the need for détente between Russia and the West, and not surprisingly, by a call for monetary integration in Europe. Pinder and Pryce underlined that only a united Europe could become an equal partner with the USA to catalyse world unity. The world had moved on after De Gaulle, and Pinder had moved on with it. One proposal which attracted my attention concerned the central role which he urged Britain to take in the process of European integration, namely to spell out a vision of an ‘ever closer union’ even before attaining membership.[13] He clearly saw Britain at the heart of the European integrative process and not in the role of an objector. Pinder maintained and developed this notion of an active EU in the world right to the end of his career. Never losing sight of the lasting peace and economic prosperity which European integration had led to, he held that the EU could indeed lead by example, by influencing other regions of the world to try and follow in its footsteps. At the same time he realistically believed that a global order based on the rule of law was only possible among democratic countries.[14]

Indeed, De Gaulle’s departure from power signalled the beginning of a new and more optimistic era for the European Economic Community. The December 1969 Hague Summit opened the door to the enlargement of the Community and the possibility of political and monetary integration. Europe after De Gaulle could not but reflect this new spirit of optimism and hope that had gripped Europe at the time.

Pinder the Federalist

Pinder’s “world view”, which I have briefly outlined, is very intimately connected to his attachment to federalism – and above all peace. What had ignited his enthusiasm with federalism was the promise of lasting peace. But how did Pinder become a federalist? And, what type of federalism did he subscribe to?

Pinder graduated in economics from the University of Cambridge, but it was not there that he became interested in federalism. He discovered federalism afterwards. Which reminds me of Jon Acuff’s witty advice to new graduates: “Don’t listen to people in their 40s who behave as if the intellectually creative part of life ends the minute you get your degree.“ For Pinder the most exciting and creative part started after he graduated.

Pinder encountered federalism, in 1950, through William Beveridge’s “The Price for Peace”[15] while completing a six month internment in a sanatorium in Scotland to recover from Tuberculosis.[16] That was also the year of the Schuman Declaration, which led to the first concrete step towards European integration. Following this initial encounter, Pinder could turn to a rich and varied British federalist tradition and a corpus of publications from the Anglo-Saxon world for more insights.

In time he would also comment on the work of several British and leading thinkers on federalism through his contributions to The Federalist, a political journal founded by Mario Albertini in 1959 and which was linked to the Union of European Federalists.[17]

The roots of the British federal literature can be traced to the influence which British political thought had had on the American Constitution, and to John Stuart Mill in the nineteenth century and in the 20th century to such thinkers as Harold Laski, Lionel Robbins[18], Ivor Jennings and Friedrich Hayek, Lord Lothian and the Australian constitutionalist Kenneth C. Wheare.

In 1950, Pinder also became active in both the Federal Union and the Federal Trust.[19] The Federal Union was founded in 1938 by Charles Kimber, Patrick Ransome and Derek Rawnsley. It gained much support in Britain and later played its part in the establishment of the federal movement in Europe.

The Federal Union Research Institute constituted by Beveridge and Patrick Ransome in 1940, was the forerunner of the Federal Trust for Research and Education (The Federal Trust) which was established in 1945. Pinder held the Chair of the Trust from 1985-2008. The formation of the Trans-European Policy Studies Association (TEPSA) itself has been attributed to the meeting of minds in some of the weekend conferences organized by the Trust.[20]

From the start of his European journey, Pinder kept close contact with European federalists and in 1951 he travelled to Aachen to attend the fourth Congress of the Union of European Federalists (UEF) which had been founded by Altiero Spinelli in 1946.[21]

Altiero Spinelli and John Pinder shared the common goal of the federal unification of Europe and no doubt mutual respect, though at times they differed in tactics and approaches. Spinelli, who with Ernesto Rossi had co-authored the 1941 Ventotene Manifesto for the federal unification of Europe, had been influenced by the works of British Federalists, foremost among them William Beveridge and Lionel Robbins. This connection is recounted by Pinder in a 1998 monograph.[22]

It is evident from Pinder’s contributions to the The Federalist, that the federal influences worked both ways. Not only had the likes of Spinelli and Luigi Einaudi been influenced by British federalists but beginning in the 1950s, John Pinder and UK federalists were themselves gaining new insights from their European counterparts.

It is evident that Pinder’s notion of federalism was much broader and slightly less Eurocentric than Spinelli’s. To understand Pinder’s federalism, one has to cut through and understand the internal cleavages of the Federal Union and which must have influenced his approach.[23]

The Federal Union in the 1950s, had three internal tendencies, one leaning towards the establishment of a world or global federation, the other which prioritized European unification and a third which favoured a transatlantic union. In fact, in 1956, two internal structures were set up within the Union, the regional commission which focused on the construction of a European federation and the world commission which pursued world federalism. For a long time both commissions worked separately.[24]

For the greater part of his life Pinder worked in the regional wing of the Federal Union and focused mostly on the challenges of European integration and Britain’s role in that process. But he never completely turned his back on world federalism.[25]

This may be the reason why in several of his writings he refers not only to the benefits of creating a European federation, but also to the benefits that such a federation would have for global governance. In the 1970s, when Europe was negatively affected by the global economic turbulence, he urged the European Community to try and master its environment “by joining the other major economic powers in shaping a world economic order, as the United States did in the Bretton Woods period.[26]

He added:

if the world’s politics had caught up with the world economy, there would be functions of economic government at five or six levels from the local authority…to the world as a whole.[27]

Pinder cautioned the EU not to limit itself to trade and the dismantling of tariffs in its relations with the rest of the world, and from the beginning of his engagement with the process of European integration, he rejected the neo-liberal model or free trade ideology.  He welcomed and supported proposals to change the Community’s economic policy from a neo-liberal concentration on removing distortions to competition, towards objectives of structural development and social welfare. Externally, this implies a change from commercial to an economic policy.[28]

Pinder’s Neo-Federalism

I have already referred to Pinder’s acceptance of the Monnet approach to integration. But he was also aware of its weaknesses and sided with the federalists who wanted to strengthen the Community’s institutions along federalist lines. Indeed, a step-by-step economic integration could perhaps not make the leap to political union. That is why he supported Spinelli’s campaign for a European federal constitution, I suspect from the standpoint that no harm could possibly come out of such efforts. Had Spinelli succeeded, I am sure that Pinder would have been overjoyed.

Spinelli’s first constitutional initiative began in 1952, with the launching of the European Defence Community (EDC) when he succeeded in convincing the Six – through Italy’s Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Alcide de Gasperi – that a defence community needed to be accompanied by a European Political Community (EPC) to ensure democratic control.

The European Assembly, forerunner of the European Parliament, drew up a constitutional Treaty in which Spinelli participated in the drafting. However, the project fell through when the EDC was rejected. Pinder disagreed with some European federalists led by Spinelli who wanted to go into opposition and write a European Constitution through a Congress of the People of Europe.[29]

Eventually, Spinelli withdrew from politics and went to teach at the Bologna Centre of the Johns Hopkins University. In 1966 he again made the point that unless the EEC was provided with independent institutions capable of taking decisions the community was doomed to fail.[30] But it was only at the end of the seventies, following the first direct election to the European Parliament that he made a second attempt to launch a European Constitution.

Pinder supported this new initiative.[31] Under Spinelli’s dynamic leadership the European Parliament voted overwhelmingly for a new European Constitution in February 1984, but which as we all know, was not supported by the member state governments, in the way Spinelli would have wished.[32] Spinelli in a fit of disappointment hit out with his famous words that:

‘‘the mountain of work of the Parliament, the Dooge Committee, the Milan and Luxembourg summits and the Intergovernmental Conference’’ had given birth to no more than ‘‘a miserable little mouse, which many suspect is a dead mouse’’.[33]

Spinelli had previously gone on record by saying that while Monnet had the great merit of having built Europe he also had the great responsibility of having built it badly.

Pinder adopted a more nuanced position, arguing that while it was not possible to ‘‘build Europe well’’ in 1950, Spinelli’s radical but ultimately unsuccessful initiatives of  1951–53 and 1981–84 not only kept the aim of a European federal constitution on the agenda, but also served as major impulses towards building the Union better.[34]

When the Treaty of Maastricht was ratified less than a decade later, most European federalists were not entirely content with it. Altiero Spinelli had already passed away and Pinder found words to praise it by claiming that the treaty contained most of the elements that a solid constitution would require.[35] Pinder was enthusiastic about Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), and welcomed it as another important step in a federal direction, but cautioned that it was unlikely to be successful without a deeper federalizing reform of the Union institutions.[36] Later still, after the shelving of the European Constitutional Treaty and the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty which salvaged some of the key provisions of the Constitution, Pinder said that it was a significant step in a federal direction.[37]

Pinder never enjoyed the leadership stature and the front-line position which Spinelli had acquired in his life time as a member of the European Commission and later of the European Parliament. But hidden behind his unassuming character, he had political astuteness and a capacity to judge political situations well. Paradoxically, though he disowned the political theory of realism, he did not refrain from taking a leaf out of their recipe book whenever it made sense to do so. One of these was surely pragmatism and he must have subscribed to Bismarck’s famous dictum that “politics is the art of the possible”.

In sum, Pinder acknowledged on several occasions Spinelli’s unique contribution and political acumen in the cause of European federalism. But he was always ready to accept any positive step forward in this direction even when bolder steps were essentially rejected – rather than risk further confrontation with possible regress or stagnation. Every little step up the mountain brought Europe closer to the summit – until the next step.

Pinder the Thinker, Pinder the Actor

Pinder has bequeathed us a rich legacy in the form of the Federal Trust which he helped to develop as well as the array of ideas on European integration and federalism scattered in several publications and journals.

Above all he was an indefatigable defender of the authentic meaning of “federalism,” which in his and our time has been turned into a term of abuse by populists and Eurosceptics for their own political and ideological objectives. For Pinder, who was attached to no ‘ism’, federalism was not a dogma but a rational way of organizing society at the sub-national, national supra-national and global level.

In his untiring effort to defend the true meaning of federalism he attached a great deal of importance to the principle of subsidiarity and flexibility[38]  which in turn calls for a careful allocation of competences within the EU’s constitutional order, the development of which is evident in the treaties from Maastricht to Lisbon.


In my final remarks I would like to treat another issue which Pinder confronted all his life, namely the connection between academic or intellectual and political activism. The issue is how far should intellectuals venture into the political world without compromising their independence and objectivity. For many, the intellectual’s prime objective is to pursue knowledge and then leave it up to political elites to act or otherwise on what they propose.

Pinder believed that there were two kinds of activists in the field of European integration: those with “a political job to do” and those with “an intellectual job to do”, which he united together by emphasizing that there was significant overlap between the two worlds.[39]

He moved freely and effortlessly between the two worlds. Apart from his participation in the Federal Trust he also taught at the College of Europe for 30 years, helped to set up TEPSA, wrote several outstanding monographs and co-authored many important works with others. He participated in the work of the Union of European Federalists, which he chaired between 1984-1990, and the European Movement both in Britain and the rest of Europe.

His constant and consistent strivings should cause us to pause and reflect a little on our contemporary situation. Today Pinder’s two worlds have become more detached (though not completely) and intellectuals do not always rub shoulders with those who, in Pinder’s own words are engaged “in the field of battle”.[40] This is odd when the EU is embattled on all fronts.

I think that the academic community has to make its presence more felt in the public sphere, the Agora. Whether we do so or not, the public debate on the future of the EU continues to take place with unyielding intensity both in the traditional media as well as in the newer ones, on the internet blogs and mobile phones, often in the form of single sentence messages employing the social media for which many intellectuals are unprepared or else feel that these are not the adequate communication tools that they want to use. The discussion raises many questions such as whom are intellectuals addressing, members of their own ‘club’ or the public? A process such as European integration which has many facets and influences a wide range and variety of audiences does not allow for clear dichotomization between the activities of intellectuals and politicians. The question is the manner and medium in which intellectuals can engage in public debate without necessarily having to join the partisan political hustings.

Three years ago, Jürgen Habermas agreeing with Justine Lacroix and Kalypso Nicolaides (2010) warned that

conceptions of the European Union and ideas of its future development have remained diffused among the general population. Informed opinions and articulated positions are for the most part the monopoly of professional politicians, economic elites, and scholars with relevant interests; not even public intellectuals who generally participate in debates on burning issues have made this issue their own.[41]

I have little to add to this learned assessment.

Throughout his life, John Pinder was the embodiment of an intellectual leader in politics and I have argued today that even after his demise he still stands out as a role model for us, both as an activist and a pragmatic federalist.

I believe that federalism based on solidarity and subsidiarity, still holds the greatest promise for the European Union, if only for the sake of the freedoms which the peoples of the member states cherish and wish to preserve and the binding synergies that federalism can create.

In this respect I think highly of the effort that is being made by the Spinelli Group in the European Parliament to promote a fresh Constitutional impetus towards federal union. This initiative is in my opinion worth more support, if anything to keep the future of Europe on the agenda even if for the time being the conditions for further treaty changes do not exist.

The Spinelli Group keeps the federal concept alive in a Europe which is becoming more prone to retrying the disastrous courses of action “already tried”, such as the renationalisation of policies which could trigger the dismantling of the euro and in extreme the Union. This would indeed be a throwback to 1913.

Since the Union and its member states have failed to address serious socio-economic issues that affect large swathes of our populations, the EU is increasingly being questioned and challenged. Hence I side with many who pragmatically advise that our first task is to rekindle fresh enthusiasm in the European project by tackling these social disequilibria before we venture into a new round of treaty changes.

It is certainly time for more intellectual leaders in politics to join the public debate. Let us all in this room follow John Pinder’s example in doing so.


Beveridge William (1945). The Price of Peace. Pilot Press, London, 1945.

Briand Aristide (1930). Memorandum sur l’Organisation D’un Régime d’Union Fédérale Européenne. Paris, 1 May.

Coudenhove-Kalergi Richard N. (1926). Pan-Europe. Alfred A. Knopf, New York.

Debates of the European Parliament (1986). OJ Annex No 2-334, Session 1985-86, Report of Proceedings from 13 to 17 January, Europe House, Strasbourg. Sitting of Thursday, 16 January. P.171 forward.

Discussioni del Parlamento europeo (1986). GU Allegato No 2-334, Sessione 1985-1986, Resoconto integrale delle sedute dal 13 al 17 gennaio, Palazzo d’Europa, Strasburgo. Seduta di giovedì 16 gennaio. P. 183 – 309.

Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe (1984). Official Journal of the European Communities, C77, 14 February. PP. 33-58.

Duff Andrew (2015). John Pinder: Like a Pilgrim. Union of European Federalists. 16 April. at (visited 23 October 2016).

Duff Andrew, Pinder John and Pryce Roy (eds.) (1994). Maastricht and Beyond: Building the European Union. Routledge.

Habermas, Jürgen (2013). Democracy, Solidarity and the European Crisis. Lecture, 26 April, Leuven University.

Smith Michael (1998) (Interviewer). Historical Archives of the European Union, European University Institute, Interview with John Pinder, London, 24 August.

Lord Lothian (1935). Pacifism is not Enough, Nor Patriotism Either.Federal Union, at (Visited 14.10.2016).

Mayne Richard and Pinder John (1990). Federal Union: The Pioneers – A history of Federal Union. Palgrave Macmillan.

Monnet Jean (1943). Note de réflexion de Jean Monnet, Alger, le 5 août. CVCE, Luxembourg. 73bf4d882549.html. (Visited 14.10.2016).

Pinder John (1963). Europe against De Gaulle. The Federal Trust for Education and Research. Pall Mall Press. London and Dunmow.

Pinder John (1975). “The Community’s Need for an Active External Economic Policy”, The World Today, Vol. 31, No. 9 (Sep.) pp. 368-375. Published by: Royal Institute of International Affairs.

Pinder John (1978). “A Federal Community in an Ungoverned World Economy” in Burrows Bernard, Denton Geoffrey and Edwards Geofrey (eds.). Federal Solutions to European Issues. MacMillan Press for the Federal Trust.

Pinder John (1986). “European Community and nation-state: a case for a neo-federalism?” International Affairs, Vol. 62, No.1 (Winter), Wiley on behalf of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, pp. 41-54.

Pinder John (1995a). European Community: The Building of a Union. Oxford University Press, Oxford and New York. Second edition.

Pinder John (1995b). European Unity and World Order – Federal Trust 1945-95. Federal Trust.

Pinder John (1996). “Economic and Monetary Union: Pillar of a Federal Polity”. Publius, Vol. 26, No. 4, Federalism and the European Union (Autumn, 1996), pp.123-140.

Pinder John (1998). Altiero Spinelli and the British Federalists: Writings by Beveridge, Robbins and Spinelli. Federal Trust, London.

Pinder John (2007). “Altiero Spinelli’s European Federal Odyssey”. The International Spectator, 42:4, 571-588, DOI: 10.1080/03932720701722944.

Pinder John and Simon Usherwood (2013). The European Union: A short Introduction. Oxford University Press.

Pistone Sergio (1996). L’italia e l’ unità europea. Loescher Editore, Torino.

Robbins Lionel (1968). The Economic Causes of the War. First published 1939. Howard Fertig, New York.

Spinelli Altiero (1966). The Eurocrats: Conflict and Crisis in the European Community. Tr. C. Grove Haines. The Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore.

The Federalist. A political Review. (1959 – ) at


[1] Mayne and Pinder (1990). P. viii. Significantly, this work was published in 1990, the year Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher resigned as Prime Minister, as if to underline and recall the enormous contribution which British federalists had made to the European integration process.

[2] Andrew Duff (2015).

[3] Pinder (1995a). PP. 240-242; Pinder (1986).

[4] Pinder (1963).

[5] I am indebted to my friend and colleague Mr Peter Cassar Torregiani, who was also a friend of John Pinder, for unearthing the proceedings of the 1987 Malta conference which was supported by the Banco di San Paolo of Turin, Italy.

[6] Smith (1998). P.18.

[7] Pinder (1963). Pp. 31-47.

[8] Ibid. p.45.

[9] Lothian (1935), p. 4.

[10] Ibid. p. 155.

[11] Pinder (1963). P. 156.

[12] Pinder (1969).

[13] Ibid. pp. 188-189.

[14] Pinder & Usherwood (2013). PP.140-142.

[15] Beveridge, 1945.

[16] Michael Smith, (1998). P.1.

[17] The Federalist.

[18] Robbins (1939, 1968 edition).

[19] Mayne and Pinder (1990). P.10 on the launching of the Federal Union;  the Federal Union Research Institute P.34 and the Federal Trust for Education and Research PP. 109-110.

[20] Mayne and Pinder (1990). P. 114. Pinder (1995b). PP. 13-14.

[21] Michael Smith (1998). P.3

[22] Pinder (1998)

[23] Mayne and Pinder (1990).

[24] Ibid. P.77.

[25] Pinder (1990). P. 209.

[26] Pinder (1975).

[27] PP. 219-220.

[28] Pinder (1975). P. 4. Pinder (1978).

[29] Smith (1998). P. 4.

[30] Spinelli (1966).

[31] Pinder (2007).

[32] Draft Treaty Establishing the European Union (1984).

[33] Pinder (2007). P.586. Spinelli use this expression in the European Parliament, when he said (P.219), “ha partorito solo un miserabile topolino, e molti sospettano anche che sia un topolino morto” which in the official English translation came out as (P.203), “the net result is what many people suspect, a dead duck anyway.” European Parliament Debates (1986).

[34] Pinder (2007). P.587.

[35] Duff, Pinder and Pryce. (1994). P. 284.

[36] Pinder (1996). P. 136.

[37] Pinder (2007). P.587. See also Palayre (2010).

[38] Pinder (2013). PP.51-53. Pinder (1995a). PP.188, 240.

[39] Ibid. P.20.

[40] Smith (1998).P.20.

[41] Habermas (2013).

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The book “Euroscepticism in Small EU Member States” is an effort by an international team of analysts to address the Euroscepticism phenomenon in small European Union Member States. It draws the general conclusions that the observed small countries of different enlargement periods, namely, Luxembourg, Ireland, Portugal, Finland, Latvia, Bulgaria and Croatia, are realists in terms of reckoning the political and economic gains from the membership and future amendments of the EU policies. Although Eurosceptic ideas are not unfamiliar in any of the countries, calls for exiting the European Union are marginalized. The book is the result of successful collaboration between the Latvian Institute of International Affairs and the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.

Ed. by Andris Sprūds, Diāna Potjomkina. “Coping with Complexity in the Euro-Atlantic Community and Beyond: Rīga Conference Papers 2016. Riga: Latvian Institute of International Affairs, 2016. – 276 p.

This Riga Conference companion volume offers reflections on the complex developments and future of the broader Trans-Atlantic area. It focuses on four key themes: security in the Euro-Atlantic community and beyond, Russia-West relations, European order and economic sustainability, and the neighborhood countries and beyond. This project is managed by the Latvian Institute of International Affairs, supported by the Latvian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and NATO Public Diplomacy Division, and carried out in cooperation with the Latvian Transatlantic Organization. The Rīga Conference is organized jointly by the Latvian Transatlantic Organization, the Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Latvia, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Latvia.

Ed. By Andris SprūdsDiāna Potjomkina, Valters Ščerbinskis. “Latvia’s Foreign Policy Centenary: Ideas and Personalities” In 2016, in the framework of the project Latvia’s foreign policy centenary the Latvian Institute of International Affairs created the first of the three planned book volumes – it is dedicated to the key ideas and personalities in the hundred years of independent Latvia’s foreign policy. This book, integrating a broad outlook on the development of Latvia’s foreign policy ideas with a review of key personalities, is the first such volume in Latvia.

Trilogy comprised by this first volume as well as planned volumes on key centenary events (2017) and modern Latvia’s foreign policy (2018) will strengthen knowledge and understanding on Latvia in the international environment, showing broader tendencies and demonstrating links between various periods in the development of Latvia’s foreign policy thinking.

Ed. by Māris Andžāns, Ilvija Bruģe. “The Baltic Sea Region: Hard and Soft Security Reconsidered”. Rīga: Latvian Institute of International Affairs, 2016. – 208 p.

The Baltic Sea region has experienced profound alterations since the Cold War, and the region’s course of evolution is likely to continue as such. The book “The Baltic Sea Region: Hard and Soft Security Reconsidered” provides a collection of opinions that assess the current situation both in the military as well as non-military fields, with a particular focus on the aftermath of the 2016 NATO Warsaw summit and the state of the play of the regional infrastructure interconnections. The book is the result of successful collaboration between the Latvian Institute of International Affairs, the Public Diplomacy Division of NATO, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung and the Nordic Council of Ministers.


Ed. by Māris AndžānsUģis Romanovs. “Digital Infantry Battlefield Solution. Introduction to Ground Robotics”

The book consists of collection of opinions by various authors from different countries and diverse research backgrounds to provide a multi-faceted review of the development of unmanned ground systems (UGS) in military use from different perspectives – to cover both the retrospective and prospective development of UGS as well as the current issues and challenges from military, technical and legal perspectives.

In the book, a range of authors provide a multi-faceted review of the development of unmanned ground systems from different perspectives – to cover both the retrospective and prospective development of such systems, as well as the current issues and challenges from military, technical and legal perspectives.


Editorial Newsletter December 2016

EU-Russia relations: time for a reset?

One of the external threats the EU is confronted with concerns the relationship with Russia. The annexation of Crimea, the interference in Eastern Ukraine and Russia’s bombardments in Syria are examples of Russian activities having a serious impact on security in Europe. As a side effect another frozen conflict – in the Donbas region – has been added to the number of frozen conflicts already existing.

Because of Russia’s annexation of Crimea and its involvement in Eastern Ukraine, the EU has issued several restrictive measures. They concern, respectively, measures at the diplomatic level, sanctions against individuals and entities (such as rebel groups in Donbas), specific restrictions for Crimea (such as prohibitions for EU investments in that area), measures targeting sectoral cooperation (such as limited access for Russian state-owned financial institutions to the European capital markets) and suspension of new financial cooperation programs in which the European Investment Bank, for example, is involved. In return Russia proclaimed an import ban for agricultural and food products originating from the EU (plus USA, Canada, Australia and Norway).

Certainly, the EU should not (in fact never) recognize Russia’s annexation of Crimea. It was an act clearly violating fundamental international law principles such as independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty. That being said, most sanctions of the EU concern primarily Russia’s involvement in Eastern Ukraine. They can only be lifted once the so-called Minsk Agreements will be implemented correctly by all parties concerned, Russia included.

In the meantime NATO and also the EU are engaged in reinforcing their defense capabilities. NATO has also developed a new Black Sea Strategy, and the EU ministers of foreign affairs agreed, for example, during their meeting of 14 November 2016 to deepen their defense cooperation in several respects.

Perhaps, however, the moment has come to reflect on the wisdom and feasibility of such a one-sided approach. Instead of putting the focus solely on the building-up of a new military complex we could think at starting, in parallel, a new round of negotiations with Russia in order to find common grounds for new forms of cooperation. In the end Russia is an important neighbor of the EU in several respects: geographically, economically, militarily and politically. The European Union is Russia’s main trading and investment partner, and Russia is the EU’s third. Moreover, the potential for cooperation with that country is huge: the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) of 1997 for example referred to the four common spaces, i.e. i) economy and environment; ii) freedom, security and justice; iii) external security; and iv) research, education and culture.

Moreover, the restrictive measures taken by the EU and Russia mentioned earlier have not blocked all channels of communication and trade. On the contrary, the measures the European Union has issued are specifically targeted and leave, by the way in our own interest as well, sectoral cooperation – energy being an important example – open.

In this context Donald Trump’s election in the US and the designation of ExxonMobil’s boss Rex Tillerson as his Secretary of State – the latter has been presented as a personal friend of Russia’s President Vladimir Putin – should be taken into account. These are circumstances which we cannot simply ignore.

Overall one thing, however, should be clear. Before making new gestures towards Russia and, for example, abolishing the EU sanctions related to the unrest in Eastern Ukraine, that country has to demonstrate its respect for the Minsk Agreements. Russia should also lift its own agricultural sanctions. As to Crimea, apparently more time is needed to find a way out of that crisis.

Of course one should reflect on the question of what we want to achieve in resetting our relationship with Russia. For a long time the creation of an EU-Russia free trade area, as a means of implementation of the 1997 PCA, has been a topic on the agenda. Since Russia has become a WTO member in 2012, that objective indeed seemed to be a feasible one. However, since the start of the functioning of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) in 2015 (apart from the Russian Federation, its member states are Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan) it looks as if the EU has to deal with the EEU as a contracting partner. A not that attractive perspective because, on the one hand, the EEU is a customs union of its own and, on the other, because one of the EEU member states – Belarus – is not a WTO member.

Nonetheless, something has to be done. In an era full of external threats and challenges we cannot go on by only creating new obstacles in our relationship with Russia. A more constructive vision, albeit a conditional one, seems to be indicated. Such a new approach can only contribute to (more) stability on our continent, in the interest of both European and Russian citizens. In that respect the turmoil of the last years in the Eastern Partnership region – not only in Ukraine, but also in Georgia and Moldova for example – have illustrated that the European Neighborhood Policy could probably have been better developed with the Russian Federation participating right from the start as an equal partner.


Jaap de Zwaan, TEPSA Secretary-General

News from the Federal Trust for Education and Research


May’s Rocky Road Ahead: Why Brexit May Not Happen

In this Occasional Paper published by Social Europe Brendan Donnelly, former MEP and Director of the Federal Trust, argues that the triggering of Article 50 will not be the of the end of the Brexit story. Mrs May is likely to face over the next two years growing obstacles in her path of extricating the UK from the European Union. There is a chance that these obstacles could be so numerous and so severe as to prevent Brexit from happening altogether.

Study for the European Parliament: “Monitoring the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals – The role of the data revolution”, by Neil WEBSTER and Helle Munk RAVNBORG

DEVE SDGTEPSA has recently coordinated a study for the European Parliament’s Committee on Development (DEVE), authored by Neil WEBSTER and Helle Munk RAVNBORG, Senior Researchers at the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS).

The study deals with “Monitoring the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals – The role of the data revolution” and examines the transition from monitoring the Millennium Development Goals to monitoring the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the implications for developing countries, and the support that the data revolution could provide. The indicators agreed for the SDG targets are discussed in terms of data requirements and the different types of data currently collected. The potential for the data revolution to strengthen open data and access to data in terms of connectivity is also explored. The latter is seen as being central to increasing accountability as part of the monitoring process. The authors looked into the areas that the EU might prioritise and how these could contribute to the broader Follow-Up and Review framework proposed by the UN Secretary General for consideration of the UN General Assembly, and offered recommendations for EU support to its development partner countries.

According to the paper, the European Parliament should organise an annual regional review of (i) progress towards the SDGs within the EU, and (ii) the effects of the EU on the progress of developing countries with a specific focus on the need for policy coherence across the full range of EU policies and their implementation with respect to these countries. For its part, the Committee on Development could contribute with specific contributions to the broader EU review process; namely (i) the progress reported by developing countries that are partners to the EU and/or its member governments, (ii) the estimated impact of EU contributions with particular focus on the six fields of EU comparative advantage identified above, (iii) the Committee on Development’s own assessment of the state of policy coherence for development, and (iv) an assessment as to the country and regional focus of the EU’s support for development in the light of progress towards the SDG reported. For each of these four contributions, a clear set of suggestions would be presented to the European Parliament based on the existing and emerging challenges identified within each. In addition to its contributions to the annual regional review, the Committee on Development would organise an annual briefing on developing countries’ progress generally and the contribution made by the EU to this progress.

The full study can be downloaded here.

Recommendations from members of the TEPSA network to the incoming Maltese Presidency, November 2016


On the occasion of the first Maltese EU Council Presidency starting on January 1st 2017, TEPSA held its traditional Pre-Presidency Conference in Valletta on Thursday 10 and Friday 11 November 2016. The Conference, organised in cooperation with and hosted by the Institute for European Studies of the University of Malta, was part of the long-standing tradition of TEPSA’s Pre-Presidency Conferences (PPCs), which take place twice a year in the capital of the country holding the EU Council Presidency prior to the beginning of its mandate.

The PPC brought together academics and researchers from the broad TEPSA network, policy-makers, media and civil society in order to discuss the agenda and challenges of the upcoming Council Presidency. Prior to the event recommendations had been prepared by the following members of the TEPSA network: Iain Begg (LSE, London), Michele Chang (TEPSA Board, College of Europe, Bruges), Brendan Donnelly (Federal Trust, London), Andres Kasekamp (EVI, Tallinn), Lucia Mokrá (TEPSA Board, IESIR, Bratislava) and Mark Rhinard (UI, Stockholm). They do not necessarily represent the view DSC_5714of TEPSA or its member institutes.

The newly elected TEPSA Board Member, Michele Chang, presented the recommendations  to Hon Dr Ian Borg, Parliamentary Secretary in the Ministry for European Affairs and Implementation of the Electoral Manifesto responsible for the EU Presidency 2017 and EU Funds. Prior to the conference the recommendations had been presented to the Hon Louis Grech MP, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for European Affairs and Implementation of the Electoral Manifesto.

The full text of the recommendations can be read here below:


The Maltese Presidency comes at a time when the EU has to confront the reality of Brexit, yet also has unfinished business in many of the policy domains that have dominated the EU policy agenda in recent years. For example, even though migration flows into Europe have slowed slightly in recent months, this should not hide a series of blatant failures on the part of European Union member states. Similar difficulties continue to afflict the EU approach to ending the economic crisis, as well as its stance towards Russia. The informal European Council of the 27, held in September, in Bratislava was a first step towards defining a way forward, but also revealed deep divisions. The recommendations which follow are for specific initiatives the Maltese presidency might take to push the EU towards answering some of these challenges.

Follow-up to Bratislava

The Presidency will need to ensure that the ambitions set out in the Bratislava Declaration and Roadmap make tangible progress in the first semester of 2017. A key objective should be to implement the EU Global Strategy in the areas of security and defense, notably by strengthening FRONTEX competences and by accelerating progress on the proposed travel information and authorisation system (ETIAS).

While the economy section of the Bratislava Roadmap highlights initiatives on Capital Markets Union, Digital Union and Energy Union as vital to boost economic growth, the Maltese Presidency should not lose sight of the continued vulnerability of the European banking sector.

The Presidency should do its utmost to strength the banking union by developing the resources of the Single Resolution Mechanism and securing a workable compromise on common deposit insurance.

Delivering on our promises, as stated in the declaration, must be shown to mean more than top-down measures. The Presidency should work towards more effective communication between EU institutions, governments and citizens by experimenting with new forms of dialogue and emphasising open communication.

Mediterranean cooperation and the refugee challenge

The refugee challenge facing Europe has yet to subside, despite nominal decreases in flows and declining public attention of late. Having failed to anticipate the upsurge in migration following years of tumult in the ‘near abroad’, member states were caught out by inadequately boosting administrative capacities for border control and proper asylum procedures – despite years of cajoling and financial support from EU institutions. When those weaknesses were starkly exposed, another failure arose: member states refused to work together to control internal flows, share responsibility and keep internal borders open. None of those failures seems to have been rectified, causing continued problems as migration reverts from the Syria-Turkey-Greece route to the central Mediterranean route. Malta is ideally placed to improve cooperation on all three fronts:

First, the Presidency can work with non-EU Mediterranean countries to improve conditions abroad; this includes general EU efforts to disrupt people smuggling and specific measures to improve economic development, water sustainability and food production, building on the proposals for the PRIMA Initiative.

 Second, the Presidency can encourage further developments to improve safe and legal asylum procedures into the EU, which, despite growing anti-immigrant attitudes across Europe, can help to boost European economies.

 Third, improved care and support for migrants in Europe, including protection of human rights, must be a priority for the EU under the Malta Presidency.


In the light of the difficult, but ultimately successful conclusion of the CETA deal, the Maltese Presidency should seize the opportunity to work with the new US administration either to give a fresh impetus to the TTIP negotiations or to salvage whatever is possible from these negotiations.

Despite regular tweaking of the European semester as an instrument of economic governance, it continues to have only a limited impact. The Maltese Presidency should initiate a high-level review of the semester process with a remit to rethink the approach to economic policy coordination and, if necessary, to ask the Commission and the Council to go back to the drawing-board.

The UK

Assuming Article 50 is, as Theresa May has promised, triggered by the UK no later than the end of March, the Maltese Presidency will play a vital role in setting the tone for the ensuing negotiations. The Presidency should stress to both sides the importance of preventing “lose-lose” outcomes. It should remind the British government that the Union and its member states attach importance to the establishment and maintenance of good relations between the United Kingdom and the Union, if and when the United Kingdom leaves the Union. It should also stress to the British government that the Union and its member states other than the United Kingdom attach at least equal importance to the maintenance of their existing beneficial economic and institutional relations between themselves.


The Maltese Presidency should work to extend the deadline for reviewing sanctions against Russia from six months to one year or more. A longer time frame would buttress European unity, which is prone to be eroded every six months by attempts to divide the EU, and demonstrate the EU’s stance that the rules-based international order is worth preserving. The issue of sanctions would also become less vulnerable to equivocation resulting from electioneering in member states. If Russia fulfils its Minsk commitments, sanctions can always be lifted earlier.

Click here to dowload the PDF version of TEPSA’s recommendations.

New FEUTURE publication: Working Paper “Mapping periods and milestones of past EU-Turkey relations”

FEUTURE with text Authors: Hanna-Lisa Hauge (University of Cologne), Wolfgang Wessels (University of Cologne), Nurdan Selay Bedir (Middle East Technical University), Atila Eralp (Middle East Technical University)

This Working Paper aims to embed FEUTURE’s analysis of drivers of EU-Turkey relations in a historical context. It does so by outlining and discussing several narratives which represent influential interpretations of EU-Turkey relations at different times in history. It is argued that narratives on EU-Turkey relations became increasingly competitive in the course of time, both within EU and Turkey as well as between them. The paper maps these changes of narratives in light of different historical milestones and phases. The periodization also serves to outline trends of conflict, cooperation and convergence as manifested in the political discourse. Thereby, the paper also serves as starting point for the ensuing qualitative analysis of a vast set of sources, representing the debates in Turkey and the EU.

The paper can be downloaded here.

For more information about the FEUTURE project, please visit

New FEUTURE publication: Background Paper “Turkey and the European Union: Scenarios for 2023”, by Nathalie Tocci (IAI)

F|EU|TU|RE – FEUTURE with textThe Future of EU-Turkey Relations – analyses the past, present and future drivers of the EU-Turkey relationship. In order to navigate the possible future, a compass is necessary. This paper establishes this compass by imagining, delineating and systematizing three reference scenarios in order to organize subsequent research and eventually map out a most likely “feuture”. Drawing from Schwartz, the aim of these scenarios is to construct different pathways that might exist in future, suggesting and informing appropriate scholarly analysis or policy decisions that may be taken along those possible paths. Several conditions are proposed for the realisation of possible conflictual, cooperational or converging futures, taking into consideration forms of differentiated integration relating to these ideal-type scenarios.

The paper can be dowloaded here.

For more information about the FEUTURE project, please visit

TEPSA Newsletter Editorial September 2016: “The European Union is in an existential crisis: how to get out?”, Jaap de Zwaan

The European Union was for a long time a stable organisation. She is now under serious threat.

External challenges affect the stability and unity of the Union. To mention a few: the migration crisis, the tensions at our eastern boarders (Russia/Ukraine), the situation in Turkey, the continuing conflicts around the Mediterranean (Syria, Israel/Palestine, Libya) and terrorism. Vigorous and timely responses are needed.

The Union’s cohesion is also challenged from the inside. The economic crisis is not over yet, several Member States are suffering disproportionally from the influx of migrants, populism is progressing in many Member States, governments of some Member States are involved in discussions about the violation of fundamental EU values and principles, and the citizens of the United Kingdom have voted to withdraw from the Union. Wise and effective reactions are asked for to address all these problems.

Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker stated in his State of the Union 2016 speech on 14 September before the European Parliament that the “European Union is, at least in part, in an existential crisis”. He stressed the Commission’s priorities and presented new initiatives. Certainly good suggestions. However, action is what we need.

The Informal Summit of Heads of State and Government in Bratislava of 16 September in its turn proposed a work programme (the ‘Bratislava roadmap’). Essentially good intentions, but that is not enough. Rather concrete plans and time schedules have to be drawn up.

Having said that, the impression is that the available EU instruments and procedures don’t suffice to overcome the crises (plural) mentioned. New approaches are indicated.

One of them is flexibility. Those Member States who want to go forward on the path of integration should be allowed to do so. The original principles, unity and uniformity, reflected by a situation wherein all Member States act jointly at the same moment and with the same speed, are not appropriate anymore. The world where we live in has apparently become too complicated! A recommendation thus would be to simplify the conditions to trigger enhanced cooperation, the treaty concept according to which a forerunner group of Member States can start acting in a given policy domain, whereas the other Member States may follow later. At present the Treaty texts prescribe a formal Commission proposal to be approved by the Council by qualified majority before enhanced cooperation can be established. Instead, a super-majority (i.e., three quarters) of the Member States should be allowed to start such a cooperation without prior permission when, after a reasonable period of time, it is observed that a common solution cannot be reached by the Union as a whole.

One may even go further. One can think at simplified procedures to amend the treaties. According to the present situation the approval and ratification by all 28 Member States is required to have treaty amendments entering into force. Also in this case three quarters of the Member States should be able to move forward once they have ratified the treaty amendments concerned. Member States ratifying later, will be bound only at that later stage. On the contrary, Member States whose parliaments in the end do not approve the amendments shall not be obliged to respect the new engagements. So, no Member State can be bound against its will.

Last, but not least, ideas like the ones mentioned require treaty amendments in order to be realized. Now, certainly politicians these days do not like to make decisions implying treaty amendments. It may therefore be that the suggestions are considered politically less feasible at this juncture. On the other hand, the discussion regarding the future of the Union necessitates that new ideas are put on the table. ‘Muddling through’ is not an alternative anymore.

A wake up call has to be addressed to our political leaders. It is up to them to be creative and to make the right choices in the interest of a well-equipped and stable European Union.

Jaap de Zwaan

TEPSA Secretary-General

ENURC project: Joint publication from TEPSA, the Latvian Institute of International Affairs and the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

“DileENURCmmas of Europeanisation: Political Choices and Economic Transformations in the Eastern Partnership Countries”, Ed. by Aldis Austers, Ilvija Bruge, Andris Spruds.  . Riga: Latvian Institute of International Affairs, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2016.

This book provides theoretical and practical insights of the Europeanisation transformations taking place in the Eastern Partnership countries and discusses how the economic ties between the EU and the partners affect these transformations. This collection of articles is authored by a group of international scholars and offers a first-hand account into the experiences of the six Eastern Partners. The subjects include adaptability and challenges of the EU’s external governance in a tense geopolitical environment, effectiveness of the Association Agreements and newly proposed Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas, analysis of specific country situations and a comparison of the partners’ potential for consistent Europeanisation.

The publication is part of TEPSA’s project “Eastern Neighbours and Russia: close links with EU citizens – ENURC”.

Recent publications from the Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ – Spring/summer 2016



Adriaan Schout, The EU must reform, with or without the British, Trouw (Dutch daily), 18 June 2016

The publication is available here.

Adriaan Schout, Jan Rood, Hedwich van der Bij, Michiel Luining, Experts glare into the abyss of the migration crisis, Clingendael Institute, 16 June 2016

The publication is available here.

Adriaan Schout and Hedwich van der Bij, The Juncker Commission and public support for the EU: Doing good or doing the right thing? In: Adam Hug (Ed.), Europe and the people: Examining the EU’s democratic legitimacy, Foreign Policy Center, 15 June 2016

The publication is available here.

Michiel Luining, A strength for Europe: the value of Euroscepticism in current EU debates, Clingendael Institute – EUforum, 20 April 2016

The publication is available here.

Jan Rood, Brexit: the beginning of the end of the EU?, Montesquieu Instituut, 25 May 2016

The publication is available here.

Adriaan Schout, British membership is warmly supported but not much liked, Clingendael Institutue, 19 May 2016

The publication is available here.

Adriaan Schout, Don’t tell the British the consequences of Brexit (now), Dutch Newspaper ‘NRC’, 12 May 2016

The publication is available here.

Adriaan Schout and Jan Marinus Wiersma, The parliamentarisation of the EU’s economic policy, Clingendael Institute, 29 April 2016

The publication is available here.

Michiel Luining, In search for legitimacy, Clingendael Institute – EUforum, 20 April 2016

The publication is available here.

Adriaan Schout, Jan Marinus Wiersma and Mariana Gomes Neto, The European Asscher Agenda, Clingendael Institute – EUforum, 18 April 2016

The publication is available here.

Jan Marinus Wiersma and Michiel Luining, The social Europe the Member States do not want, Clingendael Institute – EUforum, 18 April 2016

The publication is available here.


Jan Rood and Michiel Luining, EU Transition towards green and smart mobility, Clingendael Institute, 15 April 2016

The publication is available here.

Adriaan Schout, ‘European narratives: The Netherlands looking for stability’ in: V. Pertusot (ed.), The European Union In The Fog: Building Bridges between National Perspectives on the European Union, Paris: Ifri, April 2016

The publication is available here.

Adriaan Schout and Hedwich van der Bij, Roadmap after Dutch ‘no’ vote, Clingendael Institute – EUforum, 13 April 2016

The publication is available here.

Adriaan Schout, Why a national referendum does not work, but a European one will, Dutch Newspaper ‘Volkskrant’, 8 April 2016

The publication is available here.

Adriaan Schout, The consequences of our ‘No’, Clingendael Institute – EUforum, 7 April 2016

The publication is available here.

Recent publications from the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP) – Spring/summer 2016



Study: “#EngagEUkraine. Engagement of Ukrainians in Poland and Germany”


IEP9Within the framework of the joined project “Ukrainians in Poland and Germany – Civic and Political Engagement, Expectations, and Courses of Action” of the Institute of Public Affairs (IPA), Warsaw, and the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP), Berlin, the complete study has now been published in German and in Polish. Based on a series of in-depth interviews with members of the Ukrainian diaspora living in Poland and Germany regarding their views on the Ukraine crisis and the future of Ukraine, including the question of EU-membership as well as their readiness to support the democracy movement in Ukraine, the authors of the study analyse various forms of civic engagement of Ukrainians living in Poland and Germany, specific obstacles they are facing and similarities as well as differences in Germany and Poland. The project was funded by Deutsch-Polnische Wissenschaftsstiftung (DPWS).

The publication (in German and in Polish) can be downloaded here.

Policy Paper: “How the Ukrainian Diasporic Community in Germany Contributes to EU’s Policy in its Home Country”


IEP10In this new IEP Policy Paper No. 9 the authors Ljdumyla Melnyk, Magdalena Patalong, Julian Plottka and Richard Steinberg deal with the topic “How the Ukrainian Diasporic Community in Germany Contributes to EU’s Policy in its Home Country”. Civic engagement of Ukrainians for their home country has dramatically increased since the protests on the Majdan in Kyiv started in November 2013. Based on the results of a joined research project on Ukrainian civic engagement in Germany and Poland of the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP) and the Institute of Public Affairs, Warsaw, the paper presents first results on the development of a Ukrainian civil society in Germany.

Following a mapping of the non-state actors involved and their fields of activity with regard to their support of Ukraine, the paper analyses why people are voluntarily getting engaged and what they are aiming for. Finally, the paper discusses whether these activities contribute to the EU’s policy towards Ukraine and how the EU could further support these actors in order to benefit from their activities.

The publication can be downloaded here.

Recent publications from the Prague Institute of International Relations (IIR) – Spring/summer 2016



The Centre for International Law of the Institute of International Relations, Prague, has released a series of observations entitled “The International Law Reflections.” These observations illustrate the current and pressing issues in international law to the Czech general public.

Tamás Lattmann, Judgment in the Savchenko case, New International Law Reflections

Judgment in the Savchenko caseDebated judgment by a dubious judicial forum in a murky legal environment. The current analysis tries to shed some light to some of the legal questions, without examining the charges on their merits.

The publication is available here.

Tamás Lattmann, The case against Russia for the attack on flight MH17, New International Law Reflections

According to the news, a new legal proceeding has been initiated against Russia and its president Vladimir Putin for the downing of the Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 in the airspace of Ukraine on 17 July 2014. The present analysis by Tamás Lattmann examines the outlines of the case.

The publication is available here.

Recent publications from the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA) – Spring/summer 2016





Mika Aaltola & Anna Kronlund (eds.), After Rebalance: Visions for the future of US foreign policy and global role beyond 2016

The publication can be downloaded here.

Katri Pynnöniemi & András Rácz, Fog of Falsehood: Russian strategy of deception and the conflict in Ukraine

The publication can be downloaded here.

Briefing Papers


Michael Haltzel, Sticking to the Rules: The United States view on strengthening the OSCE

The publication can be downloaded here.

David Cadier, Detour or Direction? The Europeanisation of France’s policies towards Russia

The publication can be downloaded here.

Katri Pynnöniemi & Charly Salonius-Pasternak, Security in the Baltic Sea Region: Activation of risk potential

The publication can be downloaded here.

Marco Siddi, Privileged Partners? Italy should use its leverage for constructive policies towards Russia

The publication can be downloaded here.

Toni Alaranta, The problematic EU-Turkey refugee deal: The EU downplays its structural foreign policy in order to secure internal unity

The publication can be downloaded here.

Niklas Helwig, Will Angela Merkel cope with the populist challenge? The German chancellor faces opposition to her migration policies in Europe and at home

The publication can be downloaded here.

Katja Creutz & Marco Siddi, Committing to humanity? The World Humanitarian Summit offered a glimmer of hope among all the crises

The publication can be downloaded here.

TEPSA members’ contributions to the debate on the British referendum

On 23 June, the British citizens will be asked to decide whether or not they want their country to stay in the European Union.

After unsuccessfully applying in 1961 and 1967, the United Kingdom joined the EU in 1973. UK’s membership was already put to a referendum in 1975, when 67 % of the population voted in favour of joining the Union.

Since then, the United Kingdom has always been a sui generis member of the EU, negotiating a number of opt outs from EU legislation and treaties. Such opt outs include: the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), single pieces of legislation relating to Justice and Home Affairs, the Schengen Agreement on the free movement of people, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU, and the Fiscal Compact.

On 23 January 2013, the British Prime Minister David Cameron promised the UK citizens that a referendum on the British membership in the European Union would be held before 2017. This opportunity was offered by the Lisbon Treaty of 2009, which for the first time envisaged the possibility of a Member State withdrawing from the Union (art. 50 TEU).

On 18-19 February 2016, following a letter by David Cameron to the European Council President Donald Tusk of 10 November 2015, the Heads of State and Government of the EU agreed on a European Council Decision ‘Concerning a new settlement for the United Kingdom within the European Union’.

The referendum is scheduled to take place on 23 June 2016.

In the last few months, TEPSA member institutes have extensively analysed the issue of the UK membership and of the upcoming British referendum with a view to providing a valid contribution to the debate on the so-called ‘Brexit’. You can find below an overview of some relevant publications.

Christine Nissen, The awkward squad: why keeping Britain ‘in’ is essential for Danish foreign policy, Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS), February 2016

In a new commentary for European Council on Foreign Relations, Christine Nissen discusses the consequences for Denmark if the UK is no longer an EU member. More than ever, Denmark needs the UK as its awkward partner in the EU. Like the UK, Denmark has a qualified engagement with the EU with its four opt-outs and its euro-sceptic public. The two countries share many of the same foreign policy interests and the weight of the UK in the EU system promoting these interests is crucial for “baby-brother” Denmark.

The paper can be accessed here.

Tim Oliver, Why the EU Referendum Will Not be the End of the Story, Federal Trust for Research and Education, February 2016

The forthcoming referendum on the United Kingdom’s continued membership of the European Union will do little to change the UK’s uncertain and unhappy relationship with the Union. It will not settle what David Cameron called ‘the European Question in British politics.’ The issue of Europe in British politics is too multifaceted and shaped by factors that a referendum alone can do little or nothing fundamentally to change. As this pamphlet argues, the referendum is seen too much as an end in itself, rather than one of the means to the end of better managing the issue of Europe in British politics. There is no right question that the issue can be reduced to that can be answered in a way that will resolve it. Therefore whether the result is to remain or leave the EU, the European question will continue to cause tensions for the UK’s party politics, constitutional debates, changing identities, political economy and place within a changing Europe and wider world. It will therefore fail to secure adequate public consent for any new UK-EU relationship, will not end Euroscepticism, or stop the pull of the EU and the tensions this provokes in the UK. Whether in 2016 the British people vote to remain or leave the EU, further referendums on UK-European relations are inevitable.

The paper can be downloaded here.

Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA), Puolustusliitto vai yhteistyötä Ruotsin kanssa?, June 2016

What are the EU’s and Britain’s challenges if the British vote for staying in the EU? Teija Tiilikainen and Louis Clerc discussing in Yle Ykkösaamu with Olli Seuri.

The resource (in Finnish) can be accessed here.

Juha Johela (FIIA), Varmaa on vain kaaos – Britannian EU-kansanäänestystä pidettiin HSTV:n keskustelussa hirvittävänä virheenä, June 2016

After Thursday, the only thing certain is chaos. In spite of the outcome. Juha Jokela discussing the UK’s EU referendum in Helsingin Sanomat HSTV.

The resource can be accessed here.

Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA), The EU after the UK Referendum, June 2016

Audio and report from FIIA Seminar “The EU after the UK Referendum”. Implications of Brexit and Bremain by IanBond, Nicolai von Ondarza and Jukka Snell.

The audio and the report are available here.

Tony Brown, Brexit: Remain – The new reality?, Institute of International and European Affairs (IIEA), June 2016

In the ongoing debate on the EU Referendum, attention has been largely devoted to the prospect of the United Kingdom leaving the European Union and to the complex implications of such a development. Less time has been given to discussion of the other potential outcome – a decision to ‘Remain’ in the EU. Such a choice by UK voters does not represent a return to the status quo. The European Council Decision of 18/19 February 2016 ‘Concerning a New Settlement for the United Kingdom within the European Union’, while widely dismissed as insignificant, contains a number of provisions of potential importance – for the UK, for the European Union as a whole and, in specific matters, for Ireland. This paper seeks to explain the relevant elements of the European Council Decision, to explore some of the practical issues arising in its implementation, and to discuss the long term implications for British membership of the EU.

The paper can be downloaded here.

Institute of International and European Affairs (IIEA), Infographic – Forecast for the morning after Brexit, June 2016

This infographic, inspired by Brendan Halligan’s speech at the recent IIEA Brexit conference, illustrates five possible scenarios for the negotiating environment between the UK and the EU in the event of a Brexit, which challenge Mr. Grayling’s comments.

The article can be accessed here.

Tony Brown, Brexit: Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Report, Institute of International and European Affairs (IIEA), June 2016

On 26 May, 2016, the House of Commons Northern Ireland Committee published its extensive report on Northern Ireland and the EU referendum.

The Committee’s remit is to examine the work of the Northern Ireland Office and matters within the responsibilities of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. It has thirteen members (5 Conservative; 3 Labour; 2 DUP; I SDLP; 1 UUP; 1 Independent), and is chaired by the Conservative MP, Laurence Robertson. Among the Committee members are the Vote Leave leader, Labour’s Kate Hoey; the former SDLP leader, Alasdair McDonnell; Ian Paisley Jnr and the Independent MP, Lady Hermon. The Committee is divided on the referendum question, with seven backing Leave and six on the Remain side.

The article can be accessed here.

Institute of International and European Affairs (IIEA), Brexit Brief Issue 07, June 2016

Brexit Brief, published by the IIEA’s UK Project Group, covers developments in the on-going debate in the United Kingdom – and between the UK and the other EU Member States – on the UK’s negotiations over its membership of the Union.

The Brief seeks to provide up-to-date information on the progress and content of the UK re-negotiation and on relevant statements and policy positions – of key individual players, EU institutions, national governments, political parties, business interests and civil society actors.

The Brief is part of a wider communications programme covering the work of the IIEA’s UK Project Group – involving commentaries, speeches, texts and event reports, which will be highlighted on the Institute website.

The brief can be downloaded here.

Gavin Barrett, Brexit: What happens next?, Institute of International and European Affairs (IIEA), May 2016

Article 50, introduced into the Treaty on European Union by the Treaty of Lisbon, sets out a mechanism for a state which wishes to end its membership of a supposedly ‘ever closer Union’. The purpose of this contribution is to make some brief observations about the role of this article in any process of Brexit which may take place in the wake of a vote to leave the European Union on 23 June next.

The paper can be downloaded here.

Tony Brown, What’s in a phrase? The United Kingdom and Ever Closer Union, Institute of International and European Affairs (IIEA), March 2016

In recent times, the phrase “ever closer union” has become a pivotal part of the British Eurosceptic argument against the UK’s continued membership of the European Union. The sentiment was even reflected in David Cameron’s EU reform agenda, in which he asked for Britain’s obligation to work towards an ever closer union to be ended, and to do this in a “formal, legally-binding and irreversible way.”

But the phrase, as expressed in the Treaties, is by its nature ambiguous and open to interpretation: for some, it is critical to an understanding of the nature of European integration; for others, little more than a ‘straw man’. In this new paper, IIEA Senior Fellow, Tony Brown, examines the origins and development of “ever closer union”, from the post-war period to the present day.

The paper can be downloaded here.

Paul Gallagher, Brexit: Legally Effective Alternatives, Institute of International and European Affairs (IIEA), January 2016

In his recent speeches, the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, has softened his stance on the need for Treaty change to accommodate his renegotiation of the terms of British membership of the European Union. Nonetheless, there is no doubt that the demands set out in Mr. Cameron’s 10 November 2015 letter to President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, will still present considerable legal problems if they are to be accommodated.

This new IIEA paper by Paul Gallagher, S.C., former Attorney General of Ireland, presents a comprehensive examination of the feasibility in legal terms of the British demands. Mr. Gallagher argues that legal structures already exist which can provide the necessary legal means to address the British demands – if the necessary political agreement can be obtained.

The paper can be downloaded here.

Institute of International and European Affairs (IIEA), Britain and Europe: The Endgame – A Postscript, January 2016

In March 2015, the IIEA published Britain and Europe: The Endgame – An Irish Perspective.  The study represented a comprehensive analysis of the possible impact of different levels of engagement or disengagement between the UK and the EU on Ireland, North and South.

This new collection of five essays, with an executive summary by Brendan Keenan, forms a Postscript to Britain and Europe: The Endgame. The publication analyses the key changes in the political landscape since March 2015:  the outcome of the UK election in May 2015; Prime Minister Cameron’s letter to EU President Tusk setting out the four key British demands in a negotiation on EU reform; and the growing importance of security as part of European politics resulting from the refugee and migration crisis and the Paris attacks.

The authors conclude that changing attitudes in the European Council may facilitate an amicable solution with in the European Council on the UK’s reform agenda, if not at the 18-19 February Council then later in 2016. Nonetheless, Mr. Cameron will still have a referendum to win – and the outcome of that latter negotiation, as well as its implications for Ireland and British-Irish relations, remains uncertain.

The paper can be downloaded here.

Ettore Greco, Cameron verso una vittoria di Pirro?, Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), June 2016

The article (in Italian), can be accessed here.

Marco Gestri, UE-UK: che relazione dopo l’eventuale divorzio, Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), June 2016

The article (in Italian), can be accessed here.

Gian Luigi Tosato, Accordo Uk-Ue a prova di divorzio, Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), June 2016

The article (in Italian), can be accessed here.

Roberto Nigido, Se Londra divorzia dall’Ue, poco male, Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), June 2016

The article (in Italian), can be accessed here.

Ettore Greco, L’accordo sui nuovi rapporti fra Regno Unito ed Unione europea. Contenuto ed implicazioni, Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), April 2016

The paper (in Italian) can be dowloaded here.

Funda Tekin, Brexit or No Brexit? Political and Institutional Implications of an EU without the UK, Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), March 2016

The United Kingdom will vote on its fate within the European Union on 23 June 2016. Currently, there is still time to influence the outcome of this referendum – both from the UK and the EU side. The effects of a Brexit need to be closely assessed and communicated. This paper sets out to analyse the implications of different scenarios for Britain’s European future both in institutional and political terms. The main argument is that one way or the other the UK will be inclined to give up on its full membership, and then the EU will have to find the best possible ways to accommodate. Against this backdrop, this paper discusses the implications of differentiated integration, the UK’s role within the EU, British demands for renegotiating its EU membership, and the costs of keeping the UK within the EU or letting it go. The paper recommends agreeing on as much compromise as possible within the existing treaty framework. A Brexit cannot and will not solve current pressing problems of European integration.

The paper can be downloaded here.

Adriaan Schout, The EU must reform, with or without the British, Netherlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael”, June 2016

Why is it that so many Britons (and others) want to leave the EU? Because the EU has changed. The British are holding up a mirror to us. The tale of the economic benefits is no longer enough to substantiate ever greater integration.

The article can be accessed here.

Jan Rood, Brexit: the beginning of the end of the EU?, Netherlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael”, May 2016

Should the United Kingdom remain a member of the European Union or leave? That is the question on which the British people will have their say in a referendum on 23 June. If a majority vote to leave the EU – the famous Brexit –, that will end more than 40 years of British EU membership. There is wide disagreement on the consequences of such a move. Brexit backers see a bright future in which the United Kingdom, freed from the yoke of Brussels, will regain its sovereignty and economic vitality. The Remain camp believes an exit will lead to economic disaster, the breakup of the UK and even instability on the continent of Europe.

The article can be accessed here.

Adriaan Schout, British membership is warmly supported but not much liked, Netherlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael”, May 2016

As we know fully well in the Netherlands, referenda are divisive events, nationally and internationally. To deal with their impact, European member states need ample political and diplomatic skills to ensure good relations in the EU. This is essential both in the run up to a referendum as well as afterwards when priorities shift to re-defining relations (e.g. in case of a British ‘leave’) or to deepening commitments (e.g. in case of a ‘remain’). This begs an important question: does the UK have these diplomatic skills? The Dutch-British relationship casts some doubts as to how the UK manages its EU relations.

The article can be accessed here.

Adriaan Schout, Don’t tell the British the consequences of Brexit (now), Netherlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael”, May 2016

If the British leave the EU after their referendum on 23 June, it will no longer be business as usual. EU leaders have signalled that if European integration is rejected, the British cannot count on continued smooth economic cooperation with the EU.

The article can be accessed here.

Peter van Ham, Brexit: Strategic consequences for Europe. A scenario study, Netherlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael”, May 2016

This report by Peter van Ham examines Brexit’s strategic consequences for Europe, and the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy in particular.

The paper can be downloaded here.


Real Instituto Elcano, Dossier sobre Brexit/Bremain, May 2016

This dossier gathers the latest analyses of Elcano’s researchers on the issue of Brexit. The analyses include:

Araceli Mangas Martín , “Los dilemas del Reino Unido y de la UE: ¿salir o cambiar la Unión?”
Carmen González Enríquez , “Los inmigrantes y el Brexit: una mirada optimista”
Federico Steinberg y Alfredo Arahuetes, “‘Brexit’ tiene una débil justificación económica”
Miguel Otero Iglesias, “Mirando el ‘Brexit’ desde la City: una historia de dinero y poder”
Ignacio Molina, “¿Y si gana el ‘Brexit’?”
Manuel Gracia, “¿Qué fue del Imperio británico? Reino Unido en la globalización”
Salvador Llaudes, “España y el ‘Brexit’”
Robin Niblett, “Britain, the EU and the Sovereignty Myth”
Xenia Wickett, “Brexit Would Be a Further Blow to the Special Relationship”

The full dossier (in Spanish) can be dowloaded here.

Andrés Ortega, Brexit: possible political disasters, Real Instituto Elcano, March 2016

It is commonplace to talk more about the economic impact, but a British exit from the EU (so-called Brexit) could lead to a variety of political disasters.

The article can be accessed here.

Alfredo Arahuetes and Federico Steinberg, The interdependence of the British economy: a contribution to the Brexit debate, Real Instituto Elcano, March 2016

This paper analyses the interdependence of the British economy, both in terms of trade and direct investment, in order to assess the economic justification of a hypothetical Brexit. It concludes that it is difficult to justify the UK’s leaving the EU on the basis of economic arguments. The British economy has extremely close economic ties with the other countries in the EU, which would be jeopardised if Brexit were to go ahead.

The article can be accessed here.

Andrés Ortega, European prose for David Cameron: not much changes, Real Instituto Elcano, February 2016

David Cameron emerged with his spoils. But also to some extent did we. He secured a special status in the EU. But he already had that, and things have scarcely changed. In the final analysis, like Monsieur Jourdain, he has done nothing but talk in European prose, although the British leader, unlike the character in Molière’s Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme, is aware of doing so even though he will not admit to it. The same applies to the European Council, despite the long and fraught negotiations, which sought to ensure that the EU does not start unravelling on this issue (although it is unravelling elsewhere).

The article can be accessed here.

Recent publications from Centre International de Formation Européenne (CIFE) – Spring/summer 2016



Jean-Claude Vérez, L’Union européenne face aux défis de l’économie de la connaissance et de la migration des cerveaux, 15 juin 2016

Ryszard Piasecki, Some comments on the Chinese Development Model, PP37, 1 June 2016

Recent publications from the Latvian Institute of International Affairs (LIIA) – Spring/summer 2016


Latvia and the United States: Revisiting a Strategic Partnership in a Transforming Environment, Ed. by Andris Sprūds, Diāna Potjomkina, Rīga: LIIA, 2016

liia1This is a book about building bridges and strengthening the partnership between Latvia and the United States. The publication Latvia and the United States: Revisiting the Strategic Partnership in a Transforming Environment continues the tradition of a thorough and regular re-assessment of bilateral engagement between the two nations. The publication starts with an analysis of relations in a wider historical and regional context and further deals with security and defence matters and cooperation; economic cooperation; as well as trajectories of people-to-people diplomacy and the important role of Latvian diaspora in the United States. A team of prominent Latvian and US experts contribute their assessment of the last several years in Latvian-US relations and present recommendations for the future.
This book is published by the Latvian Institute of International Affairs in cooperation with SJSC Latvian Railway, the Embassy of the Republic of Latvia to the United States of America and SIA Pata AB, the European Crabbing Association, and the American Latvian Association.

The publication can be downloaded here.

Recommendations from members of the TEPSA network to the incoming Slovak Presidency, May 2016

tepsahighThe Trans European Policy Studies Association (TEPSA) has the tradition to formulate recommendations to the incoming Council Presidency. These recommendations have been prepared by the following members of the TEPSA network: Iain Begg (TEPSA Board, LSE, London), Katrin Böttger (TEPSA Board, IEP, Berlin), Ilvija Bruģe (LIIA, Riga), Atilla Eralp (CES-METU, Ankara), Diāna Potjomkina (LIIA, Riga), Mark Rhinard (UI, Stockholm), Funda Tekin (CIFE, Berlin) and Guido Tiemann (IHS, Vienna). They do not necessarily represent the view of TEPSA or its member institutes.

Pre-Presidency 2016 BratislavaFunda Tekin presented the recommendations to the incoming Slovak Presidency at the occasion of the TEPSA-IESIR Pre-Presidency Conference on 2 and 3 June 2016 in Bratislava. The conference was organised by the Institute of European Studies and International Relations (IESIR), Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences, Comenius University in Bratislava in cooperation with the Trans European Policy Studies Association (TEPSA), and with the support of the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the PONT project.

Migration Crisis

TEPSA has urged previous EU presidencies to devise truly collective solutions to the migration crisis. This should be done out of principle as well as common sense – even the most self-interested, rationalist analysis shows that strengthened management of the EU’s common border, distribution of resources to assist with an orderly asylum process at overwhelmed entry points, and greater shared responsibility for hosting refugees will help to end the crisis. Yet state-centric solutions are on the rise, as the Visegrad Four’s refusal to accept refugee relocation and Hungary’s highly restrictive asylum criteria serve to illustrate. To make matters worse, the European Commission seems content to accept these individualistic solutions. The Commission’s proposals on migration reform, from both April and May of this year, allow for harsh treatment of asylum seekers at the external border in exchange for reinstating Schengen (reopening internal borders). TEPSA urges the Slovakian Presidency of the EU to resist this ‘deal with the devil’ and encourage member states to see beyond their short-term impulses in exchange for long-term, collective solutions.

EU-Turkey relations

Slovakia takes over the EU Presidency at a time when EU-Turkey relations are strained, but more vital than ever, not least because of the refugee crisis. The EU has re-discovered Turkey as a “key strategic partner” and restarted accession negotiations and the visa liberalization procedure with Turkey as well as strengthened institutional EU-Turkey relations through biannual EU-Turkey Summits and regular meetings at the highest levels. At the same time there has been backsliding in Turkey’s reform process vis-à-vis the Copenhagen criteria, while the authoritarian drift in Turkey’s political system continues unabated, with power increasingly in the hands of President Erdoğan.

We urge the Slovak Presidency to keep up the close and balanced dialogue and relations with Turkey. At the same time the EU Presidency should not turn a blind eye Turkish breaches of European values. Specifically we believe the Slovak Presidency can play a key role by:

  • Pushing for the EU to take a clear stance on EU-Turkey relations as well as calling on Turkey to accept and act according to the respective conditions and rules. The visa liberalization procedure, for example, should only be finalized if Turkey implements the reforms linked to the procedure including the anti-terror law.
  • Provide external incentives for internal reforms: the next chapters of accession negotiations that should be opened – if any – are Chapters 23 and 24.
  • Ensure full implementation of the EU-Turkey Deal: although contested, the EU-Turkey Deal has caused a decrease in migration to the Greek islands. This deal needs full commitment on both sides. Inside the EU, the Slovak Presidency would provide a strong signal by committing to the resettlement programme as part of the EU-Turkey Deal, because a fair burden-sharing among EU Member States is essential for its success. At the same time “outsourcing” of migration management should not be the EU’s sole strategy: the Slovak presidency needs to ensure that financial and structural support to Greece continues.

In the last decade, increasingly euro-sceptical populism – mainly, but not only, right-wing – has been evident in most member states of the European Union. Populist notions are particularly effective in political domains which are inherently complicated, driven by symbolic politics, and characterised by low levels of public information on many key facets of European integration.

TEPSA calls on the incoming Slovak presidency to recognise, and respond to, three major drivers of populist euro-scepticism:

  • Policy gridlock within and among EU institutions;
  • A lack of popular support and legitimacy;
  • The democratic deficit of the European Union.

We urge the Slovak Presidency to counter the growing negativity by shifting the discourse from one that portrays so many common policies as a zero-sum game played among the member states, to one that emphasises the positive-sum outcomes from well-conceived policies that benefit all member states.

EU-Russia and EU-Ukraine relations

Given its external border with Ukraine, Slovakia has a strong interest in fostering a coherent and effective EU policy towards Russia. Progress towards a resolution of the Ukraine crisis can be advanced by:

  • Continuing the two-track approach of supporting Ukraine and the other Eastern Partnership countries in their transformation processes while at the same time stabilising and diversifying EU-relations with Russia. A key facet of this that the Slovak Presidency should encourage is a more active EU investment policy in Ukraine, in order to decrease the proportion of Russian capital, especially in strategic industries
  • But also acknowledging that the expression “Minsk II is dead” becomes progressively harder to refute in successive meetings of the Normandy format. Since they appear to achieve little or no progress in their negotiations, the Slovakian council presidency should seek alternative ways to overcome this stalemate. If a clearer path is not found by the end of the Slovak presidency, there is substantial danger of the conflict in eastern Ukraine ossifying.

With regards to the reform processes in Russia and the Eastern Partnership countries, the Slovak Presidency should build on the momentum from the ‘Panama Papers’ to work towards EU insistence on greater financial transparency and accountability in these countries. Such an initiative would help to deter repetition of scenarios witnessed in the case of Moldova, where the seemingly pro-European elite was engaged in large-scale corruption, and would be effective as a type of sanctions against Russian officials violating norms of international security and human rights. In particular, increased attention must be paid to suspicious deals involving EU nationals and EaP and Russian partners, especially regarding laundered funds located in the EU. The reform process should aim to achieve the progressive substitution of post-Soviet business norms by Western business ethics. Concerning EU-Russia relations, Slovakia will have the difficult task of negotiating amongst the EU-member states and their differing stances concerning the future development of these relations. In the spirit of not seeking to ‘punish’ societies for the actions of their governments and promoting closer ties between European and Russian societies there should also be attention to positive incentives. These should include new strategies for engaging Russian civil society through such instruments as massively increased students’ and youth exchanges, academic cooperation and track II dialogues with easier Schengen entry procedures for Russian nationals. These exchange opportunities may be not only bilateral (EU-Russia) but also involve Eastern Partnership countries.

The economy

Although the recent improvement in Eurozone growth is encouraging, the recovery from the crisis remains fragile. It is, therefore, a disappointment that the efforts of successive presidencies to revive the Europe 2020 strategy have been ineffectual. An approach going beyond the worthy but limited ambitions of the European Fund for Strategic Investment – the Juncker Plan – is needed to demonstrate to increasingly sceptical publics that the EU can make a difference. The Slovak Presidency should seize the opportunity to give fresh momentum to the Europe 2020 strategy or a successor strategy, focusing relentlessly on jobs and growth. The EU needs a budget fit for the challenges of today rather than the previous century. After the high-level group on own resources, chaired by Mario Monti, presents its report, it will be incumbent on the Slovak Presidency to ensure that its findings are acted upon and not left on the shelf to gather dust. Specifically a clear timetable with binding deadlines should be set for implementing new own resources.

Click here to dowload the PDF version of TEPSA’s recommendations

Recent publications from the Institute for World Economics, Research Centre for Economic and Regional Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences – Spring 2016



Tomasz Berg, Zsuzsánna Biedermann, Rudolf Fürst, Ondřej Horký-Hlucháň, Jan Hornát, Dariusz Kałan, Patryk Kugiel, Marian Majer, Jan Němec, Judit Ricz, Balázs Sárvári, Justyna Szczudlik, Ágnes Szunomár, Marek Wąsiński, Damian Wnukowski, Patryk Kugiel (eds.), 
V4 goes global: exploring opportunities and obstacles in the Visegrad Countries’ cooperation with Brazil, India, China and South Africa
Warsaw: PISM (Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych / The Polish Institute Of International Affairs), 2016. 85 p. (ISBN: 978-83-64895-72-2)

András György Deák (ed.), The end of an era in Eurasia? : Conflict in Eastern Ukraine and economic downturn in the post-Soviet space : In memoriam Zsuzsa LudvigBudapest: Institute of World Economics, Centre for Economic and Regional Studies, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2015. The beloved colleague and experienced senior researcher of the post-Soviet region died 29th October 2014. (East European Studies; 6.) (ISBN:978-963-301-627-5)


Andrea Éltető, Ágnes Szunomár, “Chinese investment and trade – strengthening ties with Central and Eastern Europe, in International Journal of Business and Management, Vol. IV (1), pp. 24-48

Csaba Weiner, Kálmán Kalota, Andrea Éltető, Magdolna Sass, Rossiiskie investicii v Visegradskih stranah: kladbishse teorii (Российские инвестиции в Вишеградских странах: кладбище теорий), in Sovremennaa Evropa (Современная Европа), Vol. 16. No. 6. pp. 60–76

Jámbor, Attila, Miklós Somai, Sándor Kovács,  “Tíz év az Európai Unióban-az új tagországok agrárteljesítményei” [A decade in the EU: the agricultural performances of the new member-states], in Közgazdasági Szemle (Economic Review – monthly of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences) 63.3 (2016): 260-284

Andrea Szalavetz, Policy support to commercialisation and Europe’s commercialisation gap, in International Journal of Technology Transfer and Commercialisation, Vol. 13, Nos. 3/4, 2015

IWE Working Papers:

Csaba Weiner, Central and East European Diversification under New Gas Market Conditions, February 2016

Study for the European Parliament: “The application of universal jurisdiction in the fight against impunity”, by Luc Reydams



Study universal jurisdiction

TEPSA has recently coordinated a study for the European Parliament’s Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI), authored by Luc Reydams, Professor of Law at the Catholic University of Lublin (Poland) and Associate Professional Specialist at the Department of Political Science of the University of Notre Dame (USA).

The study deals with “The application of universal jurisdiction in the fight against impunity” and argues that most international lawyers and liberal internationalists agree that universal jurisdiction exists, but everyone has a different understanding of what it means. Enormous amounts of time and resources have been expended over the last two decades by learned bodies, intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations to ‘study and clarify’ the principle of universal jurisdiction, writes Luc Reydams. Even more resources have been expended to put it into practice. Yet to this day, less than two dozen trials have been conducted on the basis of universal jurisdiction, all but one in Western Europe. Thus after twenty years of ‘fighting impunity’ for gross human rights violations through universal jurisdiction, the results are meagre at best and far from ‘universal’ in any meaningful sense. This study examines not only what went wrong and why, but also which role, if any, the European Union (EU) can play to improve the principle’s application amongst EU Member States and third countries.

The full study can be downloaded here.

Recent publications from the Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ – Spring 2016



Adriaan Schout, Why a national referendum does not work, but a European one will

In this article, Adriaan Schouts reflects on the broader implications of the recent Dutch referendum on the EU-Ukraine association agreement. According to the author, the Dutch events have proven how a national referendum can paralyse joint decision making.

Against the background of the ongoing debate on the alleged European democratic deficit, the author claims that the Netherlands should launch a discussion in the EU on whether national referenda on EU-wide issues should be replaced by EU-wide referenda.

This ‘no’ is not only a Dutch problem, argues Adriaan Schout, but calls for a structural European democratic response. Other countries, too, will have to ask themselves whether this may provide a solution to the democratic deficit.

The full article can be accessed here.

Recent publications from the Prague Institute of International Relations (IIR) – Spring 2016

Prague Institute of Intl Relations


Petr Kratochvíl, EU Global Strategy Expert Opinion, No. 15, 05 February 2016

IIR Towards an EU global strategyWe present to you a special analysis of the EU Global Strategy by the IIR Director Petr Kratochvíl. Petr Kratochvíl was among the very few top EU experts selected to provide an opinion on the new EU Global Strategy. The European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) – in close cooperation with the Strategic Planning Division of the European External Action Service (EEAS) – has carried out a wide-ranging outreach and consultation process. As part of this process, the EUISS asked 50 well-known analysts and commentators – roughly half of them from inside, and half of them from outside the Union – to give their opinion on the priorities that the forthcoming EU Global Strategy should address and how. The resulting contributions are collectively reproduced in one volume and offer a rich selection of independent views intended to nurture the drafting of the strategy, and we are proud that our director, Petr Kratochvíl, is one of the experts contributing to this volume.

IIR V4 goes global

Patryk Kugiel (ed.), Ondřej Horký-Hlucháň, Rudolf Fürst, Jan Hornát et al., V4 Goes Global: Exploring Opportunities and Obstacles in the Visegrad Countries’ Cooperation with Brazil, India, China and South Africa, The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM) report supported by the International Visegrad Fund, Warsaw, March 2016

The Visegrad Group countries have become more active in pursuing their foreign policy outside Europe, focusing in particular on strengthening their cooperation with the emerging powers – China, India, Brazil and South Africa. When approaching these countries, however, they all have to struggle with similar barriers that result from different potentials and an absence of historical ties. The Visegrad Group can become a useful mechanism in overcoming these obstacles and enhancing relations with the emerging powers, but the four countries have to learn not only to compete, but also to cooperate on the global stage.

Markéta Wittichová, Bordering the Central Mediterranean Search and Rescue Assemblage,  Discussion Paper of the Institute of International Relations Prague, April 2016

Since the beginning of 2015, pieces of news about migrant boat disasters in the Mediterranean Sea have been filling the headlines of major national and international media. Search and rescue operations have been, in many cases, a line between life and death for people travelling to Europe in unsafe dinghies. Using assemblage thinking and Latour´s actor-network theory, this paper by Markéta Wittichová, an IIR Associate Research Fellow, analyses the (non)involvement of various actors in search and rescue operations. It further explores the boundaries of the Search and Rescue assemblage.

Lukáš Tichý and Nikita Odintsov, Can Iran Reduce EU Dependence on Russian Gas?, Middle East Policy, Spring 2016, Volume XXIII

This article written by the IIR Research Fellow Lukáš Tichý and the IIR Associate Research Fellow Nikita Odintsov tries to address the question of whether Iran can indeed decrease the EU’s dependency on imported Russian gas.

Markéta Wittichová and Jan Daniel, Peacekeeping Contributor Profile: Czech Republic, March 2016

Markéta Wittichová and Jan Daniel are the authors of the profile of the Czech Republic as a Peacekeeping Contributor on the server Providing for Peacekeeping. This project of the International Peace Institute, the Elliott School at George Washington University, and the Asia Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect at the University of Queensland contributes up-to-date country profiles. Each profile examines recent trends related to UN and non-UN peacekeeping operations, the given country’s internal decision-making process on whether to contribute uniformed personnel to the UN, the rationales driving its contributions, the major barriers to contributing, current challenges, key domestic champions and opponents of the contributions, major capabilities and caveats, as well as providing sources for further reading. The profiles are available online and in PDF format.

Recent publications from the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA) – Spring 2016



FIIA Helwig1


Niklas Helwig, Europe’s New Political Engine: Germany’s role in the EU’s foreign and security policy, Report

Sören Scholvin, Geopolitics: An Overview of Concepts and Empirical Examples from International Relations, Working Paper

FIIA Sinkkonen1

Elina Sinkkonen, New horizons and internal reforms: The regional implications of China’s military posture, Briefing Paper

FIIA Kapyla1

Juha Käpylä, Harri Mikkola & Toivo Martikainen, Moscow’s Arctic dreams turned sour? Analysing Russia’s policies in the Arctic, Briefing Paper

FIIa Martikainen1

Toivo Martikainen & Antto Vihma, Dividing the EU with energy? Unpacking Russia’s energy geoeconomics, Briefing Paper

FIIA Comments

András Rácz, Viktor Orbán walks a tightrope between Brussels and Moscow: Hungary’s strategic dilemma about Russia has not been resolved

Veera Laine, The spring that never came: One year after Boris Nemtsov’s murder, Russia’s liberal opposition is threatened, repressed and ridiculed

Marco Siddi, Italy at loggerheads with the European Commission and Germany: Has Matteo Renzi taken a euro-critical stance?

Charly Salonius-Pasternak, The Swedish defence policy paradox: Sweden wants to stay militarily non-allied while seeking ever closer defence cooperation with others

Carrie Weintraub, NATO redefined? Nato’s anti-human smuggling mission in the Mediterranean ­highlights the organization’s broader priorities

Jyrki Kallio, China’s National Congress sacrifices the economy for politics: The new Five-Year Plan is dedicated to maintaining the Party’s leadership

Bart Gaens, Aung San Suu Kyi’s shadow presidency: Myanmar’s new civilian government faces numerous challenges

Recent publications from Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP) – Spring 2016


Pocket Book “Europa von A bis Z”

IEP publication1The 14th edition of the IEP paperback classic “Europa von A bis Z” (in German) edited by Prof. Dr. Werner Weidenfeld and Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Wessels has been published. In over 70 contributions European experts explain on a sound academic basis all the important topics and terms from the politics, economy, and history of European unification. The articles include topics such as asylum and migration policy, Brexit, Euroscepticism and differentiated integration, and provide background information as well as reading suggestions and links.

Issue 1/2016 of integration

IEP publication2In the new issue of integration, Christian Rauh and Michael Zürn describe the politicization of the European Union and its potential to create a more democratic path of European integration. Oliver Höing illustrates the constraints of the European Stability Mechanism concerning the stabilization of the Euro zone. Ludwig Gramlich and Claudia Conen discuss new alternative solutions for the procedure of investor-state dispute settlement. Elmar Brok elaborates four megatrends and self-made problems as greatest threats to the existence of the European Union. Marius Michalski’s collective review discusses works on the European parliamentary election of 2014 and a further one by Christoph Schewe textbooks on European Union law. The ‘Arbeitskreis Europäische Integration’ reports on conferences about politicization and Europeanization as well as federal perspectives in the ongoing EU reform debate and on the ceremonial act in honour of Professor Dr. Dr. h.c. mult Peter-Christian Müller-Graff.


TEPSA Newsletter Editorial April 2016: “The European Union and the United Kingdom: Brexit? or United Forward!”

 Can we imagine a European Commission without a British member?
Can we imagine a Council meeting without a British minister?
Can we imagine a European Parliament without British MEPs?
And, can we imagine TEPSA without a full-fledged British member?

The answer to all these questions clearly is: NO.
The European Union is a safe place to discuss and decide about common and global issues, whether related to economics, security or people.
It makes quite a difference to be member of a family or a related member. We all know that from our personal experiences. It is simply not the same.
Of course, dependent of whether there will be sufficient political will on all sides, one can imagine an alternative construction for the UK like EEA membership, a preferred associate status or something similar. However, again, it is not the same.

That, by the way, is the reason why our General Assembly in Bratislava of 2 June will decide about a proposal of the Board, supported by all TEPSA members being present at the last General Assembly in The Hague in November 2015, to broaden the scope of TEPSA membership: from, as the Statutes are worded now, institutes established in ‘Member States of the EU’ to institutes established in ‘European’ countries. Indeed, for European academics dealing with EU studies it is better to be fully involved than to be ‘associated’ to the work of others.

In fact, the European Union is a peace project. We aim at creating conditions of peace, stability and prosperity for all our citizens. It is the old narrative of EU cooperation. Many politicians ask these days for a new narrative, more appealing to younger generations. However, the original one still has its merits. On a daily basis issues appear on our agenda which individual states cannot handle anymore alone. Whether it is trade, the economic crisis, the migration crisis, terrorism or the geopolitical tensions at all our external borders (Russia/Ukraine, the Middle East, and North Africa).

Problems arising during internal EU negotiations have to be solved by elaborating compromises, eventually in the form of formulas of differentiation and flexibility. In fact, to a large extent it is due to the British position in EU cooperation that we have already developed an extensive practice of differentiated approaches (in the domain of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice and the Euro cooperation for example).
Because of the differences with regard to economic and political orientation already existing between the present Member States and, still more evidently, between the present and candidate Member States, differentiated cooperation is the model for the future, whether we like it or not. Moreover, is ‘Unity in Diversity’ not the motto of the European Union? As long as differentiated solutions do not interfere with the basic principles and the core acquis of the Union, they have to be accepted. In that respect the New Settlement elaborated for the United Kingdom by the European Council in its meeting of 18/19 February reflects a careful balance.

Last but not least, sovereignty these days is an illusion. The world has become a global village, our economies have become interdependent and communication is organised through ultra-fast networks.
Therefore, again, we better share responsibilities to cope with common challenges rather than have to deal with them on our own. From such a global perspective, the United States – with its President, Barack Obama, as its best spokesperson – is  the first to agree that the United Kingdom has its place in Europe, in the (perhaps not perfect, but all the same) stable framework of the European Union.

So, let us hope that common sense will prevail on 23 June when the referendum in the United Kingdom will take place. Let us hope for the best result, for Europe and the United Kingdom!

Prof. Jaap de Zwaan, TEPSA Secretary-General

Recent publications from the Latvian Institute of International Affairs (LIIA) – Spring 2016


Gunta Pastore, Leadership through the European Union Council Presidency:  Latvia and Central Asia – Riga: Latvian Institute of International Affairs, 2016. – 18 p.

LIIA publication1This report offers additional insights into how small states punch above their weight in the European Union (EU) through the Council presidency. It draws lessons from the Latvian presidency during the first half of 2015. Specifically, it analyses how Latvia pursued Central Asia as the presidency’s priority. Findings show that as the office holder, Latvia achieved its goals. Its leadership in the EU Central Asia dossier was visible. Latvia pushed for an updating of the EU Central Asia Strategy, moving towards a more strategic and goal-oriented Union approach, and promoted the EU practical engagement in the region. Latvia’s success was made possible by its close cooperation with EU institutions, using like-minded coalition with Member States, and by persuasive advocacy in Central Asia. Findings show that despite the strengthened role of EU institutions in the post-Lisbon external action system, the Council presidency remains an important source of power for small Member States to exert influence within the EU.

Recent publications from the Centre d’Etudes Européennes of Sciences Po – Spring 2016

CEE Sciences po3

Dageförde, Mirjam. Concepts of Congruence and Europeans’ evaluation of representation. A micro-level-analysis. Cahiers européens de Sciences Po, n° 03/2016, Paris : Sciences Po, CEE, March 2016

The analysis of the relation between citizens and politics is mostly conducted from two different perspectives and disciplines: On the one hand, legislative scholars analyse legislative behaviour or evaluate representation in terms of responsiveness or congruence. On the other hand, public opinion research focuses mainly on analyses of political trust or satisfaction with democracy for assessing cCEE pub 1itizens’ perspective. To a minor degree, both disciplines are combined: In the last decades, legislative research neglected the perspective of citizens, and public opinion research referred only rarely to theories that concern representation at its core. This article aims at closing this r
esearch gap and addresses citizens’ evaluation of representation. It investigates the effects of congruence – as the main indicator for judging about the quality of representation – from a micro-perspective while referring to the underlying assumption: The higher the congruence, the better the quality of representation. It (1) develops new models for conceptualizing congruence on the micro-level, (2) analyses how citizens assess parliamentary representation in terms of perceived responsiveness and (3) explores how different concepts of congruence impact on it. The analysis is drawn for the EU countries. The results indicate that the distinct conceptualizations of congruence are of varying importance for explaining citizens’ representational judgments.

Rovny, Jan. Is Eastern Europe Uniformly Anti-Immigrant? Not so fast. Understanding immigration policy positions and policy change in Eastern EuropeLIEPP Policy Brief. March 2016, n° 24, p. 1-7

As the European Union struggled to address an unprecedented influx of refugees in 2015, four Eastern European governments rejected a proposal for European Union refugee quotas. Within each country, however, there are different views on the migrant crisis and immigration in general that are overshadowed by this uniform policy response. My research on the political divisions in each country explains that these differences are related to how political camps developed after communism. Through an analysis of the causes of immigration salience and the reasons behind immigration and integration policy positions of various parties in Eastern European countries, this research finds that which party – left or right – adopts more socially liberal policy positions depends on its relationships to communist federalism and the most politically notable ethnic group in the country. My work finds three distinct political patterns in Eastern Europe.

Rovny, Jan. Hungary and Poland’s anti-democratic turn: a new era or more of the same? In MAEurope, March 2016

Reforms affecting the independence of courts and the media in Hungary and Poland have received significant attention in recent months. But to what extent do these developments constitute a genuine shift in the nature of Hungarian and Polish politics? Jan Rovny writes that while both countries have witnessed a rise in support for parties with anti-democratic tendencies, the dynamics of party competition remain consistent with the liberal-conservative political divide that has characterised the politics of these countries since the fall of communism. [First lines]

Rozenberg, Olivier (ed). Should we continue to Study the EU?  Politique européenne, March 2016, vol 2015/4, n° 50

CEE pub 4In French: La gravité et la multidimensionnalité des crises que connaît l’UE imposent un questionnement sérieux. Comment les sciences sociales peuvent-elle analyser le désenchantement vis-à-vis de la construction européenne ? Faut-il voir dans les incertitudes de l’actualité une occasion unique de rendre les études européennes plus scientifiques et objectives ? Pour son 50e numéro, la revue s’efforce de regarder au-delà de la science politique de langue française.

Vitale, Tommaso. Roma: Oltre le baraccopoli: Agenda politica per ripartire dalle periferie dimenticate, Roma : Associazione 21 Luglio, 2016, 18 p.

In Italian : Con il presente documento, presentato in vista delle elezioni comunali che si svolgeranno a Roma nel 2016, l’Associazione 21 luglio vuole proporre alle forze politiche e ai candidati a cariche elettive i principi essenziali per mutare radicalmente le politiche verso gli abitanti delle baraccopoli e dei micro insediamenti presenti nella Capitale. Le azioni previste nel documento hanno come obiettivo, nell’arco temporale di 5 anni: la chiusura graduale e progressiva delle baraccopoli e dei micro insediamenti della Capitale e il superamento dei centri di raccolta dove sono concentrate le famiglie vittime degli sgomberi che nel passato hanno coinvolto abitanti di numerose baraccopoli. “Roma: oltre le baraccopoli” si avvale degli studi condotti dall’Associazione 21 luglio e, nell’ultima parte, del prezioso apporto del prof. Tommaso Vitale, Sciences Po (Université Sorbonne Paris Cité)1. Il testo condivide medesimi principi e metodi riportati all’interno della “Delibera di iniziativa popolare per il superamento dei campi rom”, promossa da nove associazioni2 e sottoscritta da oltre 6.000 cittadini, depositata in Campidoglio l’11 settembre 2015.

Woll, Cornelia. A Symposium on Financial Power. Accounting, Economics and Law: A Convivium, March  2016, vol 6, n° 1, p. 1-3

1st lines: It is a privilege to be read and discussed by such insightful scholars, several of which have made important contributions to our understanding of industry-government relations and financial regulation in recent history. Their reading of my own analysis has given me a much sharper sense of my argument. Indeed, I agree with many of their comments, including some of the critical ones, and believe our discussion contributes positively to the still on-going political analysis of the recent global crisis. The reviews all thoroughly engage with the political analysis and the empirical discussion of the bank bailout schemes presented in the book. Their main thrust differs, however, and it is helpful to organize my response by grouping them according to the focus of their criticism. This allows me to clarify three subjects in my rejoinder to the following discussion: the nature of power, the use of the chicken-game metaphor and the role of healthy banks in different countries.

Woll, Cornelia. A Rejoinder by the Author. Accounting, Economics and Law: A Convivium, March 2016, vol 61, p. 85-92

In order to respond to the insightful and detailed discussion, I find it helpful to group the authors according to the most relevant issues they have identified. First, I will return to the notion of power in business-government relations, which Wilmarth and Barnes discuss at length and which Reinke finds problematic. Second, I will clarify the use of the game-theoretical framing, which has certain heuristic limitations. It does, however, address the governments’ strategy, contrary to the criticism of Reinke and Jensen. Third, I dive into the empirical study to address other factors that help to explain bailout arrangements. I show why I disagree firmly with Jensen, who believes that healthy banks alone are sufficient to analyze the six cases, suggesting that my argument is over-determined. I do concede, however, that additional elements help to provide a richer analysis, in particular the institutional and legal settings highlighted by Moutot and Thiemann.

TEPSA Newsletter Editorial February 2016: “Schengen has imploded: how to save Schengen?”

The EU and its member states have been completely overtaken by the refugee crisis, more particularly in view of the numbers of migrants and the intensity of the process. We were not sufficiently prepared. Whether we could have foreseen the crisis, is another question.

In theory suitable instruments were available to counter the crisis. In view of the ‘single human space’ (the de facto borderless Schengen area) created after setting up the single market, the accomplishment of some important tasks should have been ensured at the EU external borders: the registration of the claims for asylum or other forms of protection, the identification of the applicants and the examination of the individual applications. Also the return of irregular migrants to their country of origin should have been prepared at our external borders. In this whole process fast procedures should have been applied.

In practice, however, our external borders appeared to be permeable. The weak role of Frontex is certainly an element in this discussion. However, at the time this agency was founded, member states did not want to have a strong European organisation responsible to exercise, as it were autonomously, controls at the external EU borders. On the contrary, member states preferred an organisation with a mandate to merely ‘assist’ them, upon their request. As it turned out, during the crisis individual member states started to develop their own approaches, varying from respectively allowing immediate passage, showing hospitality and openness, to the closing of borders and the construction of fences. Consequently, disorder arose and migrants evidently chose to travel (only) to those member states with an open attitude towards them. In short, a result completely contrary to the principles of solidarity and burden sharing. An approach also far from the common solutions which were so desperately needed.

Who is to blame for the situation that has occurred? Certainly not the European Union or, more particularly, the Commission. Indeed, the Commission has always monitored the situation carefully and tabled suitable proposals to counter the situation. Therefore, the member states are rather to blame. Either they did not implement obligations they had accepted in an earlier stage, or they were not willing to be engaged in a process of solidarity leading to common solutions. Is Europe lacking visionary politicians these days?

What should happen now? As much as possible, we have to try to transform the present chaotic situation into the one which should have been envisaged right from the start of the crisis. That means fast procedures for the registration, identification and examination of the applications for asylum. In view of the huge number of migrants a fair system of relocation across the member states cannot be avoided, also an effective system to return irregular migrants to their country of origin is needed. A supplementary measure could be to implement the ‘humanitarian admission scheme’ with Turkey. According to that scheme, a reduction of irregular inflows into Europe will be coupled with a (voluntary) admission in Europe of (primarily Syrian) migrants who were received in Turkey but are in need of protection. Another idea could be to ‘internationalise’ the problem, and to invite other ‘safe’ third countries to take their responsibility in the crisis and to accept a number of migrants in their respective countries. It is by the way surprising that this question has not been put more explicitly on the international agenda.

At the end of 2015, the Commission presented its proposal regarding the establishment of a European Border and Coast Guard: a good proposal aiming to secure control over the EU’s external borders in the Mediterranean. Indeed, everybody understands that a common, European, organisation is needed to fulfil such a complicated task in difficult and, even, dangerous times. In the given circumstances, the full responsibility to control these borders cannot be left any longer to those member states geographically located in the territory where these borders are drawn. The European Council of 18 February has called for an acceleration of the work with a view to reaching political agreement under the Dutch Presidency. Let’s hope that the competent ministers will do everything possible to restore an effective – and common – Schengen system well before the Dutch Presidency ends.

Prof. Jaap de Zwaan, TEPSA Secretary-General

Recent publications from the Prague Institute of International Relations – Winter 2015/16


Prague Institute of Intl Relations

pub1Uroš Svete, Damijan Guštin, Janja Vuga, Rok Zupančič, Jelena Juvan, The Small State Facing Asymmetric Environment: A Reconsideration of the Identity? – The Slovenian Experience, Institute of International Relations, Prague, ISBN 978-80-87558-24-9.

The book The Small State Facing Asymmetric Environment: A Reconsideration of the Identity? – The Slovenian Experience, which was co-authored by our Associate Research Fellow Rok Zupančič and published by the IIR publishing house, analyses asymmetry in warfare from the perspective of a small nation by combining a historical, a defence-strategic and also a wider security approach, including certain moral-legal and technological dimensions. Its primary objective is to prove that small countries, “often endowed” with rich historical experience, can also significantly contribute to discussions of asymmetric warfare and understandings of conflicts. It thus aims to fill a gap in the field, as similar studies in the field mostly focus on powerful states. The book mainly focuses on Slovenian asymmetric experiences, as Slovenia went through a series of dramatic alterations in the last 60 years. The Slovenes were forced to use an asymmetric approach during the Second World War, but today Slovenia is a part of both NATO and the EU alliance. And thus it is increasingly faced with situations where an asymmetric approach is used against it (especially in Afghanistan). The book also analyses how the still present and strong historical memories of asymmetric warfare cause almost schizophrenic political and social reactions and a huge identity crisis in Slovenia. The authors argue that in Slovenia the division within the nation, which has escalated in World War II and the years that followed, is still present nowadays, and the planned reconciliation of the nation has not happened yet.

pub 2Petr Kratochvíl, Věra Řiháčková, Domestic political context since 1989: Russia as a dividing element in Czech society, Jacek Kucharczyk and Grigorij Mesežnikov (eds.), Commissioned by the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung offices in Prague and Warsaw, Warsaw, 2015, ISBN: 978-80-906270-2-4 (Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Prague, Opatovická 28, Praha 1, 110 00, Czech Republic).
In “Diverging Voices, Converging Policies: The Visegrad States’ Reactions to the Russia-Ukraine Conflict”

In order to explain the differing reactions of individual Visegrad countries to the Russia-Ukraine Conflict, the offices of the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung in Prague and Warsaw asked their partner organizations to systematically analyze how these countries have dealt with the Russia-Ukraine conflict. The result is the report “Diverging Voices, Converging Policies: The Visegrad States’ Reactions to the Russia-Ukraine Conflict”. Particular consideration was to be given to the differing historical experiences, public opinions, economic relations, and energy and foreign policies of the Visegrad countries. Our Director Petr Kratochvíl co-authored (together with Věra Říháčková) one of the contributions to this report.

Lukáš Tichý, The EU Integration Discourse in the Energy Relations with Russia, Slovak Journal of Political Sciences. Volume 16, Issue 1, Pages 60–85, ISSN (Online) 1335-9096, DOI: 10.1515/sjps-2016-0004, January 2016.

The energy issue has long been one of the most discussed and controversial topics in relations between the European Union and the Russian Federation. The intention of the present article is to provide an attempt to overcome the largely non-discursive way of looking at the energy interaction of the EU and the RF, a view which is also anchored in the security conditions, and to analyze EU energy relations with Russia in the years 2004 – 2014 through an integration discourse. On the theoretical level, the article is based on a critical constructivism, which in relation to the discourse as the main concept reflects a number of fundamental knowledge. At the methodological level, the article is based on discourse analysis as a basic methodological tool through which the author examines the EU text documents.

pub 3Michal Kořan et al., V4 Trust – the Czech Presidency of the Visegrad Group (2015–2016), The Think Visegrad – V4 Think Tank Platform, International Visegrad Fund, February 2016.

The V4 Presidency Mid-Term Review Report assesses the first half of the Czech V4 presidency and suggests key recommendations for the remaining time of the presidency. The assessment is based on the Presidency’s own priorities, but also on the overall context in which the Presidency is taking place. The report is based on individual opinions of its authors and also, partly, on existing analyses provided by Think Visegrad throughout the year 2015.

IAI 50th Anniversary and publications December 2015 Istituto Affari Internazionali

logo-IAI1Building on the Past, Facing the Future, IAI 50th Anniversary Conference under the High Patronage of the President of the Italian Republic


Italy and the Renegotiation of the UK’s EU Membership, by Ricardo Alcaro (IAI Working paper 15|45) November 2015, 9 p.

Towards European Electoral and Party Systems, by Enrico Calossi (IAI Working Papers 15|47) December 2015, 20 p.

A multi-speed EU? An Institutional and Legal Assessment, by Giuseppe Martinico (IAI Working Papers 15|47) December 2015, 23 p.

Latest publications from the Finnish Institute of International Affairs

FIIA-sth-niceRecent publications

FIIA Analysis 6

Veera Laine, Toivo Martikainen, Katri Pynnöniemi & Sinikukka Saari: Zugzwang in slow motion? The implications of Russia’s system-level crisis, Freely available at:

FIIA Briefing Papers

Kristi Raik, Niklas Helwig & Tuomas Iso-Markku: Crafting the EU global strategy: Building blocks for a stronger Europe

Freely available at:

Katja Creutz: National Courts and Foreign Policy: Prosecuting Foreign State Leaders for International Crimes

Freely available at:

Teemu Sinkkonen: The subtle Spanish revolution: New parties change the game, but does Catalonia still want to play?

Freely available at:

Charly Salonius-Pasternak: Obama’s Foreign Policy: A long game harried by tactical politics

Freely available at:

Antto Vihma: Paris Stress Test: Can the UN climate talks deliver?

Freely available at:

Marco Siddi: The EU-Russia gas relationship: New projects, new disputes?

Freely available at:

FIIA Comments

Teija Tiilikainen: Mutual defence in the EU: The response to the terrorist attacks in Paris is a testing ground for the European security and defence policy, Freely available at:

Wolfgang Mühlberger: Egypt’s democratic window-dressing: Procedural elections and paltry voter participation indicate a non-pluralistic transformation, Freely available at:

Juha Jokela: The UK is searching for its role in Europe: David Cameron should adopt a more ­constructive approach to reforming the EU,

Jyrki Kallio: Last tango in Singapore: Frost expected in Mainland China-Taiwan relations,

Veera Laine: No More Marching: The Kremlin suppresses nationalist movements in order to achieve a like-minded society

Tuomas Iso-Markku: Sizeable cuts ahead: Finland needs to define its objectives in the area of military crisis management more clearly,

Arkady Moshes: Ukraine is bigger than the conflict in Donbas: Promoting reforms should be a ­Western policy priority

Latest publications from the Institute of International Affairs and the Centre for Small State Studies

iiaThe Institute of International Affairs (IIA) strives for robust publication on international affairs in Iceland. Here are some of the most recent publications:

Alyson JK Bailes. Nordic and Arctic Affairs: Small States in the Arctic: What Impact from Russia-West Tensions? Centre for Small State Studies, Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence – Research Consortium – Small State Briefs, 5 October 2015
Urban Jaksa. South Caucasus: Nagorno-Karabakh Between a Contested Territory and a Small State. Centre for Small State Studies, Institute of International Affairs, 26 May 2015
Jesse Hastings, Edward H. Huijbens, Gustav Pétursson and Jennifer Smith. Chinese Chess in the Wild West: How Icelanders view the growing Iceland-China relationship. Centre for Arctic Policy Studies, Institute of International Affairs, 2015.
For more publications, please visit:

A new textbook on European Affairs

The Centre for Small State Studies, Institute of International Affairs (IIA) has published a new textbook on the European Union, European Integration and Iceland’s participation in the European project, the first one of its kind in Icelandic. The book is intended for students in high school and at junior university level. The textbook is partly funded by a Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence grant and written by a well-qualified group of experts on European integration including Baldur Thorhallsson, Professor of Political Science and Research Director for the Centre for Small State Studies, and Alyson Bailes, Adjunct Professor at the University of Iceland.

Latest publications from the Institute of World Economics, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest

vki_logo_smZsuzsánna Biedermann: Genocide and destabilisation in Africa Great See region (in Hungarian) Publikon Publishing House, Budapest, 2015. ISBN: 9786155001093

András Inotai: Das Ungarische ‘Wirtschaftswunder’ ist nicht nachhaltig, In: Europäische Rundschau, 43 Jahrgang, Nummer 3/2015, pp 59-66

András Inotai: Hungary’s Path Toward an Illiberal System – October 2015, Südosteuropa, Special Issue Vol. 63, 2/2015

András Inotai: Die Maer vom “Retter Europas”, Der Standard, Wien, 08 October 2015, p. 35.

Dr. Judit Kiss: Prospects for Trade between Indonesia and Hungary with Special Focus on Agricultural Products, In: Go Hungary – Go Indonesia. White Paper on Business, Cultural and Educational Cooperation, editors: Tamás Novák, Tamás Halm, Budapest Business School, Budapest, 2015, pp. 52-70.

Tamás Novák – Tamás Halm: Go Hungary – Go Indonesia. In: White Paper on Business, Cultural and Educational Cooperation. Budapest Business School, 80p. ISBN 978-963-12-3984-3

Miklós Somai – Zsuzsanna Hegedüs: Agri-food sector: the speed of development in the new EU member states, UNIA EUROPEJSKA. PL : (3 (232)) pp. 6-22. (2015)

Tamás Szigetvári – Ágota Dávid: Scientific cooperation between the EU and Turkey – advantages and possible synergies (in Hungarian) In: Külgazdaság, November 2015. (No. 11)

Gábor Túry: The international competitiveness and the technological level of the external trade of the Central European countries: the global embeddedness of the transition countries two decades after the regime change, In: Klára Katona – István Kőrösi (eds.) Felzárkózás vagy lemaradás? A magyar gazdaság negyedszázaddala rendszerváltás után. Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem Jog- és Államtudományi Kara, 2015. pp. 195-220.


András Inotai: Una década de la membrecía de Hungría en la Unión Europea (One decade of Hungary’s membership in the European Union). Paper written for a two-volume book to be published by the University of Puebla, Mexico, late 2015 or early 2016

András Inotai: Krise, Krisenbewaeltigung und Schaffung neuer Krisen in Ungarn (Crisis, Crisis management and generation of new crises in Hungary). University of Graz (end-2015)

IWE Working Papers:

Annamária Artner: Capital, labour, democracy and the end of capitalism October 2015.

Judit Ricz: Towards a new model of state-led development in Brazil (?) October 2015.

Andrea Éltető – Gábor Túry – Andrea Szalavetz – Anikó Magasházi: Upgrading of Hungarian subsidiaries in machinery and automotive global value chains November 2015.

Miklós Somai: The role of State in Slovenian economy (In Hungarian) Az állam szerepe a szlovén gazdaságban

Tamás Szigetvári – Ágota Dávid: Scientific cooperation between the European Union and Turkey – advantages and possible synergies, November 2015.

Katalin Völgyi: Example of successful capitalism – Singapore (In Hungarian) A sikeres államkapitalizmus példája – Szingapúr   (In Hungarian)

IWE Kihívások/ Challenges:

Zsuzsánna Biedermann – Tamás Novák – Miklós Szanyi – Tamás Szigetvári – Péter Wagner: Az Európába irányuló migráció legfontosabb kibocsátó országainak vizsgálata (Survey of the main sending countries of migration to Europe), in Hungarian, November 2015.


Latest publications from the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP)

IEP_Bildschirm_200x40pxYearbook of European Integration 2015 published

The Yearbook of European Integration published by the Institute for European Politics (IEP) in Berlin documents and balances the European integration process from 1980 to the present. The result of 35 years of continuous work is a uniquely comprehensive account of European contemporary history.
The “Yearbook of European Integration 2015” continues that tradition. In the contents of about 100 articles the authors trace developments in European politics in their field of research priority in the reporting period 2014/15. They supply information on the work of the EU institutions, the developments of different policy areas in the EU, Europe’s role in global politics and the member and candidate states’ European policy.
The Yearbook of European Integration is a project of the Institute for European Politics, Berlin, realized in cooperation with the Center for Applied Policy Research at the University of Munich and the Jean Monnet Chair for Political Science, University of Cologne.

For more information, see:

Issue 4/2015 of integration published

In the new issue of integration Kai Oppermann analyses the British European policy in view of the Tories’ victory in the general elections of May 2015. He addresses in particular David Cameron’s intraparty and electoral reasons to opt for a referendum on Britain’s EU membership. Michael W. Bauer and Stefan Becker provide a preliminary assessment of the Juncker Commission after its first year and evaluate its work to that effect how it uses its political room for manoeuvre in order to influence current European policy trends. Heinrich Schneider deals with the topic of European identity and discusses whether there is a decline of the European idea and the integration policy against the background of current crises. Karsten D. Voigt portrays the relationship between Russia and the West since 1991 taking into account Germany’s perspective and proposes concrete measures to improve the relations. Jéronimo L. S. Barbin’s review discusses works on the EU’s foreign policy since the coming into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. Three conference reports by the ‘Arbeitskreis Europäische Integration’ focus on current developments of the European Union after the European elections of 2014, European regulation and European fiscal policy.

For more information, see:

Latest publications from the Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI)

logo-SIIASchmidt-Felzmann, A. (2015) The EU’s relations with Russia: off balance and beyond repair? in Antonina Bakardjieva-Engelbrekt, Lars Oxelheim and Thomas Persson (eds) The EU’s Role in Fighting Global Imbalances. Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar.

Schmidt-Felzmann, A. (2015) A Northern perspective on Russia’s challenge to European Security and sagaciousness. In A. Spruds (ed) Riga Dialogue: Towards a Shared Security Environment. Afterthoughts from the Riga Security Seminar 2015, RIGA: LIIA.

Schmidt-Felzmann, A. (2015) European foreign policy towards Russia: Challenges, lessons and future avenues for research. In Jørgensen et al. (eds) The SAGE Handbook of European Foreign Policy, SAGE Publishers.

Brady, H, & Parkes, R. (2015) EU home affairs diplomacy: why, what, where – and how. European Union Institute for Security Studies, Chaillot Paper No 135, July 2015.

In The Blog: International Voices:

In New York Times, Room for Debate

  • To Fix Europe’s Intelligence System, Start Using It, By Björn Fägersten

TEPSA Board member Ian Begg contributes to the debate on the UK referendum

Iain-BeggTEPSA Board member Ian Begg is one of a number of senior fellows contributing to the ‘UK in a changing Europe’ initiative. This is intended to bring academic research into the public debate around the UK referendum. The UK in a Changing Europe Initiative promotes rigorous, high-quality and independent research into the complex and ever changing relationship between the UK and the European Union.

You can find several contributions under the ‘blogs’ ‘news’ and  ‘explainers’ tabs, all of which can be freely downloaded.

TEPSA members might also be interested in a new BrexitVote blog at London School of Economics. Its aim is to inform the debate surrounding the referendum on Britain’s membership of the European Union with accessible commentary and research:

Recent publications from the Norwegian Institute for International Affairs (NUPI)


De Carvalho, Benjamin and Neumann, Iver B., Small states status seeking. Norway’s quest for international standing. Routledge, 2015.

Godzimirski, Jakub (ed), EU leadership in Energy and Environmental Governance? Global and Local Challenges and Responses. Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

Gornitzka, Åse and Sverdrup, Ulf, The Expert-Executive Nexus in the European Administrative System: Expert Groups and the European Commission, in The Palgrave Handbook of the European Administrative System, M. Bauer and J. Trondal (eds). Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

Rieker, Pernille and Henrik Thune (eds), Dialogue and Conflict resolution: The Potential and Limits of Dialogue as a Tool for Conflict Resolution. Ashgate, 2015.

Johnsen, Tom O. and Rieker, Pernille, The EEA Grant. A source of Soft Power? Journal of European integration 37 (4): 417-432, 2015.

Rieker, Pernille, The EU’s performance as a regional security policy provider in its southern neighbourhood, in Ingo Peters (ed) The European Union’s Foreign Policy ‘Actorness and Power’. Routledge, 2015.

Sending, Ole Jacob, Vincent Pouliot and Iver B. Neumann (eds) (2015) Diplomacy and the Making of World Politics. Cambridge University Press.

Call for contributions by the College of Europe

picture colECall for Contributions for the EU-China Observer #1.16 on the topic of China’s Market Economy Status in EU-China relations – Submission deadline: 15 January 2016

The Baillet Latour Chair of European Union-China Relations and the EU-China Research Centre at the College of Europe (Bruges) are calling for contributions to the first issue of the EU-China Observer of 2016. The issue will focus on the topic of China’s Market Economy Status (MES) in EU-China relations.

The accession of China to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001 is considered a major landmark for China’s integration into the global economy. In the context of WTO law, MES means that domestic prices are based on supply and demand – which was not yet the case for China upon accession to the WTO. Therefore, the accession protocol states that price comparability in determining subsidies and dumping does not need to be established by comparing prices to the domestic market, but can be established by employing a different methodology (e.g. by comparing to prices in other markets). However, the protocol also states that “[i]n any event, the provisions of subparagraph (a)(ii) shall expire 15 years after the date of accession.” (see: Accession Of The People’s Republic Of China – Decision of 10 November 2001).

The 15-year period will be due by December 2016, and in the meantime, debate began to heat up whether this protocol applies directly to WTO member states and whether this would mean that the EU will have to automatically grant MES to China. Commissioner Cecilia Malmström argued in an interview with The Wall Street Journal that “there’s no automaticity in that”.

With discussions about the MES becoming more prominent this year, we would like to invite researchers and practitioners to examine the issue of China’s MES from a legal and economic perspective. What may be the potential impact for the EU as well as on EU-China relations of either granting or not granting MES to China? What could be the implications for global economic governance and the role of the WTO if China does not obtain MES status? As we have witnessed the emergence of new trade blocs and bilateral trade agreements, will the WTO lose importance?

Please send your contributions to EUCO©coleurope•eu by 15 January 2016. For any questions related to the EU-China Observer, please do not hesitate to contact us via the e-mail address mentioned above.

Previous issues, as well as further information is available here:

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Latest publication from the Institute of World Economics, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest

vki_logo_smAnnamária Artner, Debate between Greece and the Eurozone in a changing world (in Hungarian), Challenges no. 216, Institute of World Economics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest

Andrea Éltető (et al.), Global Value Chains and Upgrading – Experiences of Hungarian Firms int he Machinery Industry, Competitio, vol. 14, no. 1.

Andrea Éltető and Ágnes Szunomár, Trade and Investment Between the Visegrad and East Asian Countries with Special Emphasis on China and Hungary, in: Jarolim Antal (ed.), Small States – Big Challenges: The Experience of the EU and Visegrad Region, Vysoká skola ekonomická, Nakladatelstvi Oeconomica, 2015.

András Inotai, Economic Security: Key Challenge for the 21st Century, in: Rebalancing Global Economic Governance – Opportunities for China and the G20 beyond 2015, UNDP, Beijing, pp. 105-110.

András Inotai, Looking behind the curtain: what about the Hungarian „economic miracle”? Centre International de Formation Européenne, Policy Paper, no. 20, July 15, 2015, 10 pp.

Tamás Novák, Hungary: embracing Euro-scepticism. In: Eleanor E. Zeff and Ellen B. Pirro (eds.), The European Union and the Member States. Lynne-Rienner Publishers, Boulder, Colorado, pp. 279-298.

Andrea Szalavetz, Upgrading and Sussidiary Autonomy: Experience of Hungarian Manufacturing Companies, Japanese Journal of Comparative Economics, vol. 52. no. 2. pp. 1-19.

Tamás Szigetvári, EU-Turkey customs union: Does the Turkish Model work? (in Hungarian), Külgazdaság, nos. 7-8., 2015, pp. 99-115.

Gábor Túry (ed.), Prospects of the Visegrad cooperation – Identifying converging and diverging forces, Institute of World Economics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest, 2015, 367 pp. (with contributions by Annamária Artner, Judit Kiss, Gábor Túry and Krisztina Vida from the Institute of World Economics).

Latest publications from the Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI

logo-IAI1Nine new reports on European Union by the Istituto Affari Internazionali  IAI, June-September 2015 

  • The Report of the Five Presidents: A Missed Opportunity, by Fabrizio Saccomanni (Documenti IAI 15|07) July 2015, 6 p.

The report presented by Presidents of the five EU institutions identifies all the essential challenges the EU is facing and acknowledges the need for “a new convergence process” to root out the imbalances that triggered the economic and financial crisis. However, the report is deceptive, since it takes for granted that the EU has as much time as it requires at its disposal to enact reforms; and it is misleading because it subordinates the supranational dimension of policies to the responsibilities of the Member States. Very little is proposed with regard to countercyclical policies in the Eurozone, and the focus is on common monitoring of fiscal compliance. The report continues to evoke a “Europe of Sovereign Nation States” without any significant progress toward Political Union. The report misses an opportunity to send a clearer signal about what a stronger federalist approach could accomplish, especially from a multi-decade standpoint.

  • Global and Operational, A New Strategy for EU Foreign and Security Policy, by Sven Biscop (IAI Working Papers 15|27) July 2015, 15 p.

Strategists of Europe, rejoice! The June 2015 European Council mandated High Representative Federica Mogherini to prepare “an EU global strategy on foreign and security policy” by June 2016. Fully twelve years after the adoption of the European Security Strategy (ESS), the chance to revisit the EU’s grand strategy should be grasped with both hands. What could the new strategy most usefully say and promote? What makes Europe the most equal continent, providing the greatest security, freedom, and prosperity, is the European Social Model. It contains the principles and the values at the heart of EU, that also shape its vital interests. Bearing in mind this assumption, the new ESS should fulfil three functions: define strategic priorities, set a limited number of overall objectives and communicate how the EU sees its role in the world. In sum, on the basis of a geopolitical analysis of the regional and global environment, this coming strategizing effort aims to identify the most important threats and challenges to Europe’s vital interests, and to define priority objectives to which end the preventive, comprehensive, and multilateral method must be applied. How to do that? This paper offers some thoughts.

Paper prepared within the context of “Governing Europe”, a joint project led by the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) and Centro Studi sul Federalismo (CSF) of Turin in the framework of the strategic partnership with Compagnia di San Paolo, International Affairs Programme.

  • The US-EU Energy Trade Dilemma, by Claudia Squeglia and Rafaello Matarrazzo, (IAI Working Papers 15|28) July 2015, 10 p.

The diverging paths in terms of energy self-sufficiency between the US – among the world largest producers – and Europe – highly dependent on imports – appear to create opportunities for exchanges of oil and gas between the two shores of the Atlantic. On the oil front, recent market developments are putting pressure on US decision-makers to remove the outdated oil export ban that was adopted in the mid-1970s. On the gas side, the EU supply diversification goal is nurturing the Old Continent’s interest in the US’s export potential. Nevertheless, political hurdles undermine the likelihood of the US lifting the oil ban within this presidential term, while the uncertain competitiveness of US gas delivered to European markets could limit US-EU gas exchange. These political and market conditions risk quashing EU efforts for the inclusion of an energy chapter, aimed at boosting EU-US energy trade, in the negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP).

  • From 9/11 to Da’esh: What Role for the High Representative and the External Dimension of EU Counter-Terrorism Policies?, by Maria Giulia Amadio Viceré, (IAI Working Papers 15|29) September 2015, 22 p.

Under certain conditions, such as security crises, an integrated external EU counter-terrorism policy can emerge without leading to the supra-nationalisation of policy-making. This paper analyses the role of the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy with the objective of assessing the influence that such figure can have on the governance of EU counter-terrorism policies. It does so by assessing the EU’s response to three security crises, namely: the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent bombings in Madrid (2004) and London (2005); the Arab Spring and the following destabilisation of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA); and the emergence and spread of Da’esh.

Paper prepared for the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), September 2015. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the workshop “Euro-Mediterranean Security: Can New Dynamism Be Injected in the EU Mediterranean Policy?”, held at the Institute of European Studies of the University of Malta on 13 May 2015.

  • Who’s Afraid of Migration? A New European Narrative of Migration, by Stefano Volpicelli, (IAI Working Papers 15|32) September 2015, 25 p.

Human mobility has changed profoundly since the onset of globalisation, with old patterns of south-north movement of male economic migrants being replaced by mixed flows of people moving because of a variety of needs and motivations. In Europe these changes have gone largely unnoticed and the discourse on migration has been conducted in a confused and contradictory way. Policies have swung between two poles: on one end the view of migrants as a problem rather than as an opportunity; on the other, the view of migrants as vulnerable people escaping poverty or persecution. Through the analysis of policies, juridical terminology, concepts and stereotypes, this paper proposes a three-step approach for a different narrative of migration to curb the political manipulation that, labelling migrants as a threat, is dangerously fuelling racism and discrimination towards “aliens”.

Paper produced within the framework of the New-Med Research Network, September 2015. Presented at the seminar on “Changing Migration Patterns and Migration Governance in the Mediterranean Region”, organised in Rome on 18 December 2014 by the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) and the OSCE Secretariat.

  • The Migration and Asylum Crisis as a Transformative Shock for Europe. Brief Thoughts on the Eve of the Next Summit, by Ferruccio Pastore, (IAI Working Papers 15|34) September 2015, 5 p.

Never before was the lack of a single European government, or at least of a strong and effective European governance, as acutely felt as in these days. With wars and failed states in the neighbourhood, and an unstoppable exodus crossing Europe, the continent appears at once more interdependent and more fragmented than ever. A coherent model of governance, competent and cohesive, but above all empowered by a full democratic investiture, would be needed everyday, to cope with daily emergencies while painstakingly devising and developing a long-term strategy where such emergency responses would be framed. Instead, in spite of the remarkable efforts of creative leadership made by the Commission, we are “governed” (but the term sounds like a gross overstatement) by subsequent extraordinary summits, each summoned to remedy the failures of the previous one. What can thus be expected and what should be asked, in such dire circumstances, to the next of these ad hoc European Council meeting, scheduled on Wednesday 23 September?

  • What Government for the European Union? Five Themes for Reflection and Action, By Pier Domenico Tortola and Lorenzo Vai, (Documenti IAI 15|17) September 2015, 16 p.

Faced with many domestic and external challenges to its politico-institutional order, the European Union is in the middle of a protracted critical juncture, whose eventual outcome(s) will likely set the course of European integration for many years to come. Political fluidity and uncertainty present both opportunities and responsibilities for the intellectual sphere, which now sees its chances to influence political developments dramatically increased. Reacting to this state of affairs, the “Governing Europe” research project gathers a number of leading EU scholars and analysts with the double task of taking stock of the political and institutional status quo, and proposing new solutions to render the EU more legitimate, effective and resilient for the future. Consistently with the multi-faceted nature of Europe’s political problems, the project is organised around five broad and cross-sectoral themes: intergovernmentalism vs. supranationalism; democracy and representation; asymmetric integration; economic governance; Europe in the world. For each, this background paper presents a brief overview and a sketch of some of the most pressing issues and questions.

Background paper prepared within the context of “Governing Europe”, a joint project led by the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) and Centro Studi sul Federalismo (CSF) of Turin in the framework of the strategic partnership with Compagnia di San Paolo, International Affairs Programme.

  • Overhauling EU Policy in the Mediterranean. Towards More Inclusive, Responsive and Flexible Policies, by Daniela Huber and Marina Cristina Paciello, (IAI Working Papers 15|35) September 2015, 12 p.

As the EU is reviewing its European Neighbourhood Policy, this paper calls for an entirely new approach that would give the EU a stake in the region by responding more effectively to key needs on both sides of the Mediterranean. It first outlines three strategic policy options for the EU – defensive, power-projecting and reflexive approaches – and analyses EU policies accordingly. After observing that EU policies in the Mediterranean since the Arab uprisings have oscillated between a defensive and a power-projecting approach, this paper discusses how EU policies could become more inclusive of key actors, more responsive to key challenges and more flexible on both the multilateral and the bilateral level.

  • Proposte di riforma della Politica europea di vicinato, by Nicoletta Pirozzi and Lorenzo Vai, (Documenti IAI 15|18) September 2015, 11 p.

This paper collects the recommendations and the proposals for the ongoing revision of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). These are the results that emerged in a series of public debates promoted by the Representation of the European Commission in Italy in collaboration with the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) in the framework the of the Citizens’ Dialogue initiative. The major shortcomings and inefficiencies affecting the ENP since its launch have been highlighted during the meetings through the analysis of two case studies, Libya and Ukraine. On the basis of these reflections, a list of proposals was formulated. The recommendations aim to rethink the nature of the ENP (strengthening its political dimension) and to ensure a better definition and management of its goals (working on the incentives offered to the partner countries). This new ENP should be able to respond both at the short-term needs and long-term objectives imposed by a wide arch of instability in the European neighbourhood that will last for many years to come.

Final report of a reserch project conducted by the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) in the framework of the “Citizens’ Dialogues” initiative promoted by the Representation of the European Commission in Italy.

  • The International Spectator, Vol. 50, No. 3, September 2015

With a special core of essays on the The EU’s Wider Neighbourhood in Turmoil. The September issue of IAI’s International Spectator includes a free article on “The US Rebalancing to Asia and Transatlantic Public Opinion”.

Latest publication from the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP)

IEP_Bildschirm_200x40pxIntegration 3/2015 published

In the new issue of Integration Minister of State Michael Roth asks for more credibility and visibility in the EU enlargement policy and illustrates how the German federal government intends to strengthen the dynamic elements in the enlargement process. Katrin Böttger provides recommendations for a middle- and long-term concept for the EU-Russia relationship in view of the ongoing Ukraine crisis. Eva Mareike Schmitt and David Kabus analyse the agenda-setting power of the European Union as a liberalizing force in the WTO. Peter Becker and Ronny Müller present the reasons and results of the recently reformed cohesion policy of the EU for the funding period 2014–2020. Besides the report on the third annual conference of the German-Portuguese Forum two conference reports of the “Arbeitskreis Europäische Integration” focus on subjects, such as free trade versus democracy and market versus state.

For more information, see:

Latest publication from the Institute of International Relations and Political Sciences (IIRPS)

Logo-VilniusIIRPS VU scholars in cooperation with NUPI finalized the joint report on energy relations in the Baltic Sea Region

IIRPS VU in cooperation with Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) is implementing the project “Energy security and the Baltic Sea Region: regional coordination and management of interdependence”. The main goal of the project is to assess the current situation of energy security in the Baltic Sea Region focusing on the patterns of (asymmetrical) trade interdependencies as well as policy coordination initiatives aimed at managing those interdependencies. The main outcome of the project is a study in a form of a joint report on the nature of energy interdependencies in this region. Prof. Ramūnas Vilpišauskas (IIRPS VU), energy expert Romas Švedas (IIRPS VU) and prof. Jakub M. Godzimirski (NUPI) have finalized the joint report.

The main aim of the study is to map changing energy relations in the Baltic Sea Region, which includes eight EU member states, Norway and Russia, and to explore how energy security and energy policy has evolved in the aftermath of two key watershed events – the 2004 EU enlargement that has changed the political and institutional/regulatory landscape of the region; and the outbreak of the armed conflict in Ukraine that has put the issue of energy security – and security in more general terms – very high on the European political agenda.

The case of the Baltic Sea region is interesting because the policy measures and coordination initiatives have been aimed at redirecting flows of trade in energy resources rather than just managing the existing ones more effectively by agreeing on common rules of managing interdependencies and the methods of implementing them. Differently from the most cases of regional cooperation when policy coordination instruments are used to manage existing interdependencies, some EU member states which acceded in 2004 were still largely isolated from the rest of the EU and remained part of the post-Soviet network of trade in electricity and natural gas. However, the attention of the Baltic States and to some extent Poland was not so much on managing the existing networks of dependency from Russia, but on creating infrastructural and regulatory conditions to provide alternative sources of supply and reduce existing asymmetries of interdependence with one dominant supplier. It is argued that such a policy aimed mostly at achieving several objectives such as introduction of competition to exert pressure on prices set by dominant suppliers and increasing security of supply that was to be achieved by reducing asymmetry of interdependence and by enhancing the coordination of policies and by the use of the common EU norms and involvement of EU institutions to increase the bargaining power vis-à-vis external suppliers like Russia.

Jakub M. Godzimirski, Romas Švedas, Ramūnas Vilpišauskas Energy security in the Baltic Sea Region: regional coordination and management of interdependencies, July 2015, soon will be available at

Latest publication from the Institute for Development and International Relations (IRMO) Zagreb

irmo bookIRMO researchers have published a new book: Ana-Maria Boromisa, Sanja Tišma and Anastasya Raditya Ležaić, Green Jobs for Sustainable Development, Padstow, Cornwall: Routledge 2016. The book deals with the relationship between ‘green’ concepts (green jobs, green economy, green growth) and sustainable development. It examines to what extent creation of green jobs supports the overall economic development as opposed to creation of elitist jobs and greenwashing. In order to do so, general conceptual frameworks for green jobs, green economy, green growth and green policy are presented as well as their implementation in ten countries selected among the Group of Twenty. The selection includes advanced (the EU countries, USA, Australia, Canada, Republic of Korea and Japan) and developing countries (Mexico, China, Turkey and Brazil).

The analysis presented in this book shows that although the green concept is well-intentioned, its implementation depends on local circumstances – economic, political and social. Developed countries perceive green growth as a way to create new markets and demand, while developing countries rely more on labour intensive growth and less expensive green jobs. Thus, greening the economy does not diminish the differences between rich and poor. The book is suitable for those who study and work in Ecological Economics, Sustainable Development and Labour Economics.

Latest policy papers from the Centre international de formation européenne (CIFE)


  • Laurent Baechler, 15 septembre 2015, “Gestion de la dette publique grecque : mode d’emploi”

Other policy papers available on:

Publications from the Swedish Institute of International Affairs (SIIA-UI)

UI’s Mark Rhinard, Björn Fägersten and Roderick Parkes write about the Paris attacks and how it highlights two specific roles for the EU: border security and social integration. Read “Is Paris a Brussels problem? The EU’s role in preventing attacks by radicals.”

Mathew Burrows, director of the Atlantic Council’s Strategic Foresight Initiative, states in his article “The Big Question for 2015: What Kind of World Are We Headed For?”: “it will remain an uphill struggle to contain the growing instability, particularly in the Middle East, and the temptation by many powers – including in the West – to go it alone, intent solely on protecting their own interests.” Burrows spoke at the UI event The World of 2030.

Mark Rhinard et al.,Managing Transboundary Crises: The Emergence of European Union Capacity’, Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management, 22(3): 131–142, 2014.

Mark Rhinard et al., Cases of Cautious Optimism: Sweden, Poland and the EEA, The European External Action Service and National Foreign Ministries: Convergence or Divergence? February 2015

Roderick Parkes, European Union and the Geopolitics of Migration, UI Paper no. 1, February 2015.

Victoria Vasilenko, Russia’s non-military foreign policy instruments in its ‘near abroad’ in the Polish expert discourse. UI Paper no. 9, December 2014.

Gregory Simons, Putin’s international supporters. UI Brief no. 3, December 2014.

Frida Olsson Avereyireh, Corporate Social Responsibility 2014. Business as usual? UI Brief no. 2, December 2014.

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Publications from the Center for the Study of Politics of the Université libre de Bruxelles

Le Centre d’étude de la vie politique de l’Université libre de Bruxelles a le plaisir de vous annoncer la parution des nouveaux ouvrages de ses chercheurs en 2014 :

 ulb1 Nationalisme et pouvoir en République de MoldaviePar Julien Danero Iglesias

Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2014,

240 pages

ISBN: 978-2-8004-1569-7

25 €

Plus d’infos : cliquez ici

Dans le contexte politique européen actuel, traversé par ce que d’aucuns identifient comme une résurgence générale du nationalisme, voire du populisme et de la xénophobie, une question se pose : comment le discours sur la nation permet-il à des acteurs donnés de légitimer leur pouvoir ?

Cet ouvrage s’efforce d’y répondre en analysant le cas de la République de Moldavie. Petit pays situé à la lisière de l’Europe, qui acquiert son indépendance en 1991 suite à l’implosion de l’urss, la Moldavie est déchirée par une crise identitaire aux racines profondes.

L’ouvrage privilégie une approche « discurso-historique » qui situe les discours des acteurs dans leur contexte historique, politique, social et économique et mobilise un corpus original de sources primaires recueillies sur le terrain : entretiens semi-directifs, discours politiques et articles de presse.

L’analyse de ce matériel empirique montre que, pour légitimer leur pouvoir, les acteurs politiques, qu’ils soient « moldovénistes » ou « roumanistes », utilisent la nation comme une valeur refuge. Dans leurs discours, ils forgent de toutes pièces une nation ad hoc, c’est-à-dire une nation à géométrie variable qui s’adapte aux circonstances et répond à un objectif purement « politique » : arriver au pouvoir ou y rester.

 ulb2 Chechnya at War and BeyondBy Anne Le Huérou, Aude Merlin, Amandine Regamey, Elisabeth Sieca-Kozlowski (Eds)

Routledge, 2014,

278 pages

ISBN: 978-0-415-74489-8

168 £

More information : click here

The Russia-Chechen wars have had an extraordinarily destructive impact on the communities and on the trajectories of personal lives in the North Caucasus Republic of Chechnya. This book presents in-depth analysis of the Chechen conflicts and their consequences on Chechen society. It discusses the nature of the violence, examines the dramatic changes which have taken place in society, in the economy and in religion, and surveys current developments, including how the conflict is being remembered and how Chechnya is reconstructed and governed.


 ulb4 Europeanization and European Integration. From Incremental to Structural ChangeBy Ramona Coman, Thomas Kostera, Luca Tomini (Eds)

Palgrave, 2014,

208 pages

ISBN: 9781137325495

63 £

More information : click here

The scope and extent of Europeanization among the member states of the European Union is all too often exaggerated by scholars of European integration. It has long been assumed that the mere existence of mechanisms designed to promote commonality between countries in the EU and to encourage a collective European identity has given credence to the idea of Europeanization and how effectively it has infiltrated EU member states. In stark contrast to the assumed success of these mechanisms in promoting Europeanization, recent studies have shown that, in the main, both domestic socio-economic as well as normative structures have proved resilient to this process. Through a compelling exploration of the relationship between European integration and Europeanization, this collection provides important insights into the disconnect between efforts to promote commonality and collective European identity and the ambivalent results of Europeanization at the socio-economic and normative structures of member states.

 ulb5 L’euroscepticisme au sein du Parlement européen. Stratégie d’une opposition anti-système au cœur des institutions.Par Nathalie Brack

Editions Larcier, 2014,

344 pages

ISBN: 9782879746043

50 €

Plus d’infos : cliquez ici


Alors que l’Europe traverse une nouvelle période de crise et que la légitimité des institutions européennes demeure vacillante, il s’agit de comprendre comment les acteurs eurosceptiques agissent une fois élus au Parlement européen. À travers une étude approfondie des stratégies et pratiques des députés eurosceptiques, l’ouvrage participe à une meilleure compréhension de ce que s’opposer à l’Europe au cœur de l’UE veut dire.

Cette situation n’est pas sans poser de nombreuses tensions tant pour ces acteurs que pour l’institution et, de façon plus large, pour le régime politique européen. Comment les parlementaires se comportent-ils au sein d’une institution et d’un régime qu’ils critiquent ? Comment gèrent-ils les tensions entre les discours d’opposition sur la base desquels ils ont été élus et les missions et attentes découlant du mandat représentatif ? Comment le Parlement européen a-t-il géré la persistance de ces voix d’opposition ?

La présence d’une opposition antisystème au cœur de l’UE constitue un enjeu, voire un atout pour sa légitimation. Contribuant à la représentativité du Parlement européen et à la politisation des questions européennes, les résistances à l’Europe ne doivent pas être systématiquement vues comme des obstacles à la construction européenne, mais aussi comme des ressources pour l’affirmation de l’UE en tant que système politique démocratique, ouvert à la conflictualité.


 ulb7 European social democracy during the global economic crisisRenovation or resignation? 

David J. Bailey, Jean-Michel De Waele, Fabien Escalona and Mathieu Vieira (Ed.)

Manchester University Press, 2014,

304 pages

ISBN: 978-0-7190-9195-7

75 £

More information : click here


This book makes an important contribution to the existing literature on European social democracy in the wake of the 2008 financial crash and ensuing recession. It assesses how social democratic parties have responded, at the national as well as at the European Union level. A wide range of leading political scientists provide the reader with an in-depth understanding of the prospects for social democracy in the midst of an unprecedented crisis for neoliberalism.

The book draws together some of the most well-known and prestigious scholars of social democracy and social democratic parties, along with a number of impressive new scholars in the field, to present a compelling and up to date analysis of social democratic fortunes in the contemporary period. It benefits from an analysis of social democratic parties’ experiences in 6 different countries – the UK, Sweden, Germany, France, Spain and Greece – along with a number of chapters on the fate of social democracy in the institutions of the EU.

 ulb8 L’électeur local. Le comportement électoral au scrutin communal de 2012Edité par  Jean-Benoit Pilet, Ruth Dassonville, Marc Hooghe, Sofie Marien

Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2014,

216 pages

ISBN: 978-2-8004-1561-1

21 €

Plus d’infos : cliquez ici


En règle générale, les élections communales sont décrites comme très locales, dominées par les enjeux locaux et les personnalités candidates au titre de bourgmestre. En 2012 pourtant, le discours sur le scrutin communal a été, en Flandre en particulier, mais aussi en Wallonie et à Bruxelles, axé en partie sur le niveau de pouvoir fédéral. Les états-majors nationaux des partis se sont beaucoup investis dans la campagne. Et la N-VA a voulu faire de ce scrutin un référendum pour ou contre le gouvernement Di Rupo.

Cet ouvrage réunit des chercheurs et des professeurs d’université belges, du nord et du sud du pays. Pour la première fois, une analyse des comportements des électeurs à l’occasion de ce scrutin est proposée à partir d’une enquête sortie des urnes menée auprès de 5 000 électeurs dans 40 communes belges. Cette étude permet de répondre à plusieurs questions centrales. L’électeur a-t-il voulu choisir son futur bourgmestre ou s’est-il laissé guider par l’identité des partis en présence ? Les questions de politique nationale ont-elles supplanté les enjeux locaux ? Les femmes et les électeurs d’origine étrangère votent-ils de façon différente ? Le citoyen choisit-il le même parti aux élections communales et aux élections régionales ou fédérales ? La campagne électorale fait-elle bouger les lignes ou se contente-t-elle de les figer ?

Le lecteur le constatera au fil des pages, contrairement aux stratégies de campagne de certains partis, à commencer par la N-VA, ces élections ont été avant tout des élections locales. Les enjeux communaux et les leaders locaux ont pesé bien plus dans le choix de l’électeur que les ténors de la politique nationale ou les considérations politiques fédérales ou régionales. L’électeur vote d’abord pour des candidats qu’il connaît personnellement, en fonction de leur action politique communale et de leurs positions sur des enjeux locaux. Et si, au final, cela le conduit à se détourner du parti pour lequel il vote d’habitude aux élections fédérales ou régionales, l’électeur n’hésite pas à le faire. All politics is local, selon l’adage bien connu.


 ulb9 Populism in Western EuropeComparing Belgium, Germany and The Netherlands 

By Teun Pauwels

Routledge, 2014,

220 pages

ISBN: 978-0-415-81403-4

140 $

More information : click here


Despite the increasing academic interest in populism, we still lack understanding of individual factors contributing to populist voting. One of the main reasons for this is that populism is almost always attached to other ideologies which makes it difficult to isolate factors.

This book draws on an innovative research design by comparing the reasons to vote for six populist parties which differ remarkably in terms of their host ideology in Belgium, The Netherlands, and Germany. The results show that populist voters are motivated by their dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy and a desire for more direct democracy. Furthermore it appears that populist parties do not mobilize among one specific social group although deprived groups are generally more susceptible to populist voting. Finally, this study explored why some populist parties persist while others decline. Origins of party formation and how leaders organize their party internally seem the most important factors determining party persistence.

This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of populism, European politics and contemporary political theory.


 ulb10 PTB. Nouvelle gauche, vieille recettePar  Pascal Delwit

Editions Lucpire, 2014,

381 pages

ISBN: 978-2-87542-095-4

24 €

Plus d’infos : cliquez ici


Depuis quelques années, le PTB – le PVDA en Flandre – défraie la chronique politique et médiatique.  Le Parti du travail est parvenu à s’imposer comme un interlocuteur,  désormais régulier, de la presse audiovisuelle et écrite, et a  décroché des résultats d’estime aux élections fédérales de 2010  et aux scrutins communal et provincial de 2012. Paradoxalement  pourtant, le PTB – parti marxiste-léniniste et maoïste né dans les  années 1960 – est tout sauf un nouveau parti.

C’est à la suite d’une grave crise interne, après les élections de mai  2003, que le PTB décide d’adopter une toute nouvelle stratégie  de communication. Il s’agit désormais d’occulter les éléments qui  « fâchent » – son identité marxiste-léniniste, sa proximité avec  certains régimes, son projet révolutionnaire, sa piètre considération envers la démocratie représentative – et de ne présenter aux citoyens et aux médias que la « face lumineuse » du parti.

Fruit d’un long travail de recherche enrichi par les interviews de nouveaux et d’anciens militants, cet ouvrage présente l’histoire du PTB et de son réseau d’organisations, le contexte qui a présidé à sa naissance, et propose une analyse spécifique de ce parti dans la période contemporaine.


 ulb11 Les partis politiques en FrancePar  Pascal Delwit (ed.)

Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2014,

252 pages

ISBN: 978-2-8004-1551-2

20 €

Plus d’infos : cliquez ici

A l’instar des formations politiques européennes, les partis politiques français sont confrontés à plusieurs défis et soumis à nombre de tensions à l’aube de ce XXIe siècle, alors même que leur attractivité n’a jamais semblé aussi faible. Longtemps dominée par un agencement autour du Rassemblement pour la République (RPR) et de l’Union pour la démocratie française (UDF) à droite, et du parti socialiste (PS) et du parti communiste français (PCF) à gauche, le système de partis a lui-même considérablement évolué sous l’effet de la recomposition de la droite parlementaire, de l’effondrement du parti communiste ou de la percée de nouveaux venus, tels le Front national ou Les Verts. Après la séquence des élections présidentielles et législatives de 2012, cet ouvrage analyse en profondeur l’état de chacun des partis actifs dans le système politique. Comment chacun d’entre eux se positionne-t-il au regard des transformations du fait partisan ? Comment les partis interprètent-ils les mutations auxquelles ils font face ? Comment agissent-ils face à la désaffection qu’ils subissent ? Quelles évolutions idéologiques et organisationnelles connaissent-ils ? Ces questions sont examinées dans ce livre de référence. Les auteurs présentent un tableau d’ensemble original, offrant de manière systématique une analyse des partis à l’œuvre dans le système politique français ; laquelle est complétée par une réflexion sur les grandes transformations de la géographie électorale.


 ulb12 Le fonctionnement de l’Union européennePar  Olivier Costa et Nathalie Brack

Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2014 (2e édition),

384 pages

ISBN: 978-2-8004-1547-5

11 €

Plus d’infos : cliquez ici

A l’instar des formations politiques européennes, les partis politiques français sont confrontés à plusieurs défis et soumis à nombre de tensions à l’aube de ce XXIe siècle, alors même que leur attractivité n’a jamais semblé aussi faible. Longtemps dominée par un agencement autour du Rassemblement pour la République (RPR) et de l’Union pour la démocratie française (UDF) à droite, et du parti socialiste (PS) et du parti communiste français (PCF) à gauche, le système de partis a lui-même considérablement évolué sous l’effet de la recomposition de la droite parlementaire, de l’effondrement du parti communiste ou de la percée de nouveaux venus, tels le Front national ou Les Verts. Après la séquence des élections présidentielles et législatives de 2012, cet ouvrage analyse en profondeur l’état de chacun des partis actifs dans le système politique. Comment chacun d’entre eux se positionne-t-il au regard des transformations du fait partisan ? Comment les partis interprètent-ils les mutations auxquelles ils font face ? Comment agissent-ils face à la désaffection qu’ils subissent ? Quelles évolutions idéologiques et organisationnelles connaissent-ils ? Ces questions sont examinées dans ce livre de référence. Les auteurs présentent un tableau d’ensemble original, offrant de manière systématique une analyse des partis à l’œuvre dans le système politique français ; laquelle est complétée par une réflexion sur les grandes transformations de la géographie électorale.


 ulb13 The Selection of Political Party Leaders in Contemporary Parliamentary Democracies.A Comparative Study 

By Jean-Benoit Pilet, William Cross, (ed.)

Routledge, 2014,

268 pages

ISBN: 978-0-415-70416-8

140 $

More information : click here

This book explores the ways in which political parties, in contemporary parliamentary democracies, choose their leaders and then subsequently hold them accountable. The authors provide a comprehensive examination of party leadership selection and accountability both through examination of parties and countries in different institutional settings and through a holistic analysis of the role of party leaders and the methods through which they assume, and exit, the office.

The collection includes essays on Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Germany, Hungary, Israel, Italy, Portugal, Romania, Spain, Norway and the United Kingdom which have important differences in their party systems, their degree of democratization, the role assigned to party leaders and their methods of leadership selection. Each country examination provides significant data relating to party rules and norms of leadership selection, leadership tenures and leadership contests. The book concludes with a chapter that merges the country data analyses to provide a truly comparative examination of the theoretical questions underlying the volume.

This book will be of strong interest to students and scholars of legislative studies, elections, democracy, political parties, party systems, political elites and comparative politics.



Publications from the Latvian Institute of International Affairs

Andris Spruds and Diana Potjomkina (eds.), Latvian Foreign and Security Policy Yearbook 2015, the Latvian Institute of International Affairs (LIIA), Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2015.

Freely available:


Andris Spruds and Karlis Bukovskis (eds.), Economic Diplomacy of the Baltic States, the Latvian Institute of International Affairs (LIIA), Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2014.

Freely available:


Karlis Bukovskis (ed.), The Political Dimension of Euro Introduction in Latvia, Riga Stradiņš University, the Latvian Institute of International Affairs (LIIA), 2014.

Freely available (in Latvian):

Publications from the Finnish Institute of International Affairs

Briefing Papers

Sinikukka Saari: From stagnation to cul-de-sac? The roots and trajectory of Russia’s troubles

The traditional cornerstones of the popularity of the Putin regime – stability, growing prosperity, the increased status of Russia in international affairs – seem to be rapidly eroding, which has led many observers to predict major changes in Russia in the near future.

However, there are significant structural issues – alongside the mechanisms of ‘political technology’ and the outright oppression of dissent – that support and maintain the Putin regime, regardless of its malfunctioning and undisputed failings.

Even in the unlikely event of Putin suddenly disappearing from the political scene, significant hurdles remain for the restructuring of the Russian economy and political system. No major modernisation or reform mode is to be expected.

The EU and Finland should base their policies on a realistic assessment of Russia’s long-term trajectory. There are unlikely to be any shortcuts to success, and no western policy is likely to produce positive results in the short term. What is needed now is a long-term perspective and principled policies, while acknowledging that only the Russians can change Russia’s political direction.


Katja Creutz: Balancing targeted sanctions: Effectiveness through a climate of legality

Targeted sanctions are political acts that infringe upon the enjoyment of fundamental rights by designated individuals and entities, especially the rights of defence and the right to an effective remedy. Increasing international attention has therefore been paid to the legal implications of targeted sanctions.

Targeted sanctions must meet basic standards of fair and clear procedures not only to guarantee the rights of individuals, but also in order to be a credible and effective foreign policy tool.

To date, concerns over fair treatment have been addressed in a fragmented and piecemeal way. Judicial review before European courts has provided an important incentive for change, especially for the creation of the office of the UN Ombudsperson.

A holistic approach should be developed, which not only emphasizes retrospective review of sanctions, but would also address concerns in the initial phase of their adoption. Increased attention should be paid to the use of confidential information and the right of designated individuals to receive information.

Efforts to strengthen legality aspects in the use of targeted sanctions must take account of the circumstances in which these measures are taken. Concerns for international peace and security, and especially for the authority of the Security Council, must be balanced against the protection of fundamental rights.


Niklas Helwig: Fine-tuning EU foreign policy: A joint approach between the new Commission and the European External Action Service?

The new EU leadership has restructured the way the European Commission manages its external relations. The High Representative/Vice-President, Federica Mogherini, was formally put in charge of coordinating the work of the Commissioners’ Group on External Action and relocated her offices to the Commission building.

Under the new approach, the Commission aims to be more closely involved in the preparation of Foreign Affairs Council meetings. Regular meetings of external action Commissioners are supposed to foster a common position, as well as increase the Commission input on sectoral policies and instruments ahead of ministerial meetings.

In the face of the gravitational shift towards the Commission, it is in the interests of member states to ensure that the EEAS remains, despite all its teething troubles, the political hub of EU external relations, and to invest in its development accordingly.

An in-depth examination of the externally relevant policies within the remit of the Commission reveals that, across all issues, EU foreign policy can improve by a joint approach combining the political perspective of the EEAS with the sectoral expertise of the Commission.


Kristi Raik, Mika Aaltola, Katri Pynnöniemi, Charly Salonius-Pasternak: Pushed together by external forces? The foreign and security policies of Estonia and Finland in the context of the Ukraine crisis

New turbulence in the international environment is pushing Estonia and Finland closer together in the foreign and security policy domain. The Ukraine crisis has re-introduced old geopolitical constraints and concerns about national security and sovereignty, limiting the room for manoeuvre for small states.

Estonia and Finland took similar positions on many key issues regarding the Ukraine crisis. The common ground is based on both countries’ attachment to the liberal world order and Western structures.

However, there are deep-rooted differences between the Estonian and Finnish positions on the way to handle Russia and the need to adjust security arrangements, notably the role of NATO in the Nordic-Baltic region. It is common in Finland to see Estonia’s approach as unhelpfully hawkish, and common in Estonia to see Finland’s approach as too accommodating towards Russia.

Shared interests stem from an understanding that the weakening of the security of one country inevitably weakens the security of the other. As both countries are investing more in national security and defence, relevant bilateral cooperation is increasing.


Teemu Sinkkonen: War on two fronts: The EU perspective on the foreign terrorist fighters of ISIL

The ISIL surge has inspired a new generation of jihadist terrorists.

The large number of foreign volunteers in Syria may cause a global terrorism blowback when ISIL is defeated in Syria/Iraq. This underlines the need for common goals and policies regarding the foreign terrorist fighter phenomenon.

The EU has not been able to take a decisive role regarding the Syrian conflict and foreign terrorist fighters, but it can still play an important role in coordinating the responses of the member states.

The EU could take a role in establishing common guidelines for social media regarding extremist material and agitation for violence.

Finding common ground with Turkey on information gathering and sharing would be essential in preventing the travel-for-terrorism cause.

Countries bordering Syria and Iraq are in danger of ISIL spill-over effects in the form of potential affiliates and organizations emulating the rebel group. Egypt and Libya are also likely to become breeding grounds for such groups.


Tuomas Iso-Markku: Europe’s changing security landscape: What role will the EU play in security and defence?

The Ukraine crisis has reminded Europeans of the importance of defence policy, thus amplifying the main message of the December 2013 European Council on security and defence.

Many of the proposals put forward by the December summit are currently being worked on, but the Ukraine crisis creates additional challenges for the EU, highlighting the strategic divergence within the Union and posing fundamental questions about its role as a security provider.

Regarding concrete achievements, the EU’s defence ministers recently adopted a policy framework for systematic and long-term defence cooperation, and the Commission has also begun to work energetically towards achieving its key objectives in the defence sector.

Ultimately, however, the success of the EU’s efforts will depend on the commitment of the member states.


Mari Neuvonen: Towards a two-state solution: A new approach is needed to promote the Middle East Peace Process

Tensions and difficulties have emerged again in the Middle East together with the stalled peace process, which is a great concern for the EU.

The EU has established two Civilian Crisis Management missions in the Occupied Palestinian Territory as instruments of the Common Security and Defence Policy to promote the objectives of the Middle East Peace Process.

Both missions, EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah, have been successful in training, advising and mentoring the Palestinian security sector to combat terror and prevent it, and to operate with the Israeli security forces to maintain order.

However, the full potential of the two missions has not been utilized as instruments to promote the peace process principles in terms of emphasizing democracy and accountability as being fundamental to an independent state.

It is time for the EU to link its state-building initiatives in the Occupied Palestinian Territory with a clear political position at the “high-politics” level and to translate them into reality.

If the focus of these two CSDP missions is not shifted away from polishing the already smooth-functioning Palestinian security apparatus and more towards reflecting the political aims of the peace process, it begs the question of whether these missions can continue to serve as useful instruments for the EU to promote the peace process.


Charly Salonius-Pasternak: Deeper defence cooperation: Finland and Sweden together again?

Finland and Sweden are increasing their bilateral defence cooperation. Officially, it is restricted to peacetime and international crisis management operation activities, but it nonetheless has national territorial defence impacts.

The planned deepening of cooperation between Finland and Sweden builds on the already extensive daily cooperation between the two countries.

Both Finland and Sweden see deeper cooperation as an important addition to cooperation within the EU, NATO, and NORDEFCO frameworks, as well as other significant bilateral cooperative relationships.

Fruitful cooperation will require strengthening trust among military and political actors, as well as an acknowledgement of differing perspectives regarding the role of the defence industry in security and defence policy formation.

Cooperation may continue to deepen as the momentum for it builds, or through a binding agreement developing into a defence alliance – Defence Alliance Finland-Sweden (DAFS).


FIIA Comments

András Rácz & Sinikukka Saari: The new Minsk ceasefire: A breakthrough or just a mirage in the Ukrainian conflict settlement?

The new Minsk ceasefire agreement empowers Russia-backed separatists with a number of leverages over Ukraine. If implemented, the agreement could provide a functioning framework for a mutually acceptable political settlement. In the event of non-implementation, a re-eruption of hostilities is highly likely.

Tuomas Iso-Markku: The EU as a source of security: Finland puts its trust in the mutual assistance clause, but has no illusions about the Common Security and Defence Policy  

With Finns remaining divided over the potential benefits of NATO membership, Finland’s political leadership seeks to strengthen the role of the EU as a security community. At the same time, Finland is aware of the challenges currently faced by the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy and does not expect rapid progress.

Teemu Sinkkonen: The rise of the Podemos party in Spain: An upcoming enfant terrible in Europe?

Podemos is offering a serious alternative to the other left-wing parties and breathing new life into the rather stale political atmosphere in Spain, but it falls short of offering realistic solutions to foreign and European policy issues, which makes it difficult to beat the leading conservative party.

Katri Pynnöniemi: Making sense of the Russian bear metaphor: The image of a threatened bear distracts us from understanding Russia’s actions

In trying to understand Russia’s actions in the context of the war in Ukraine, it is important to approach the use of the bear metaphor critically. In domestic use, the metaphor creates an image of a country acting in self-defence and deflects attention away from systemic problems.

Veera Laine: Nationalism is a double-edged sword: In the future, Putin may have little to offer in order to maintain his interpretation of Russian nationalism

A nationalistic mood has characterized the Russian president’s speeches, the aim of which is to mobilize the Russian people against an external threat at a time of crisis. Even though Vladimir Putin’s interpretation of nationalism emphasizes national cohesion, his message may simultaneously strengthen ethnic nationalism in Russia.

Juha Käpylä & Harri Mikkola: Passing the Arctic Council torch to the US and beyond: Will discontinuity in the Arctic agenda remain the name of the game?

Canada will pass the chairmanship of the Arctic Council to the United States in May 2015. The two states have distinctly different agendas, and the change is likely to herald discontinuity in Arctic governance.This may reoccur in 2017 unless Finland rediscovers its traditional Arctic policy for its chairmanship agenda.

András Rácz: Moldova’s European choice is not yet consolidated: The results of the parliamentary elections show a country deeply divided

Moldova’s parliamentary elections resulted in a victory for the EU-oriented parties, which have governed the country since 2009. However, the strong support for the pro-Russian parties indicates that the country is still deeply divided, despite the recent successes on the road towards European integration.

Arkady Moshes: The dialogue between the EU and the Eurasian Economic Union: Brussels is ­desperately looking for “good news” in its relations with Russia

If the EU offers a formal dialogue to the Eurasian Economic Union, it is unlikely to lead to reciprocal economic liberalization, or reverse the general political dynamics in EU-Russia relations. Rather, just like the “Partnership for Russia’s Modernization” before it, this would become yet another stillborn undertaking.

Wolfgang Mühlberger: Islamic soul-searching on scorched earth: ISIL launches a new brand of Islamism, which requires a uniform coalition to be defeated 

The strength of ISIL (Da’ish) has been assured by its adversaries’ weakness. The movement can also bank on support from several regional players, who have now, paradoxically, joined the anti-ISIL coalition. Any effective strategy to defeat the jihadis must be based on a shared goal and sequenced to ensure long-term success.

Katja Creutz: Palestinian Frustration Vented: Seeking Increased Leverage through Multilateral Fora

The Palestinian Authority is stepping up its involvement in the international community and in international institutions. These practical moves are no substitute for a negotiated solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict, but they do seek to bolster Palestine’s position in future peace talks.

Mika Aaltola: The Republicans gain the upper hand: The US Congress and President Obama may find some common ground in foreign policy issues

With a Republican victory in the midterm elections, it seems likely that the party’s policy formulations will increasingly influence US foreign policy.Instead of simply opposing Barack Obama’s policies, the Republicans have achieved a stronger position whereby they can more actively pursue compromises with the president.


Working Papers

Toni Alaranta: Turkey under the AKP: A critical evaluation from the perspective of Turkey’s EU negotiations

Turkish social science research has been steeped in interpretations according to which Turkey’s 20th century political history is marked by an uneven struggle between an “omnipotent Kemalist state” and a rather powerless society. This argument has been very coherently used by the governing Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in its articulation of the (Kemalist) Westernizer as the “domestic other”.

This paper argues that Turkey’s European Union membership negotiation process under the current AKP regime can only be adequately explained based on these premises. Turkey’s EU accession negotiations started in October 2005, six years after the EU had confirmed the country’s official candidate status. As of the beginning of 2015, only one of the 35 negotiation chapters has been completed. Thus, as the tenth anniversary of the kick-off of the accession negotiations is approaching, it is an appropriate time to ask some very basic questions concerning its nature. The present working paper tackles this issue by concentrating on the following questions: What is the nature of the AKP as a political movement, and how best to evaluate Turkey’s EU bid under its rule?

The paper first presents a Western view of Turkey that has been widely held during the last decade. This is followed by a short summary of the main factors that induced the EU to start official membership negotiations with Turkey. After this, the AKP’s attempt to destroy what its leadership asserts is the old Kemalist regime and replace it with a “New Turkey” is evaluated. This evaluation leads to an outline of the main factors behind the AKP’s EU accession negotiations.

The paper argues that it is highly unlikely that the AKP can ever establish a workable liberal democracy in Turkey. A further observation directly following on from this is that the AKP regime will never be able to fulfil Turkey’s EU aspirations. The dominant image of Turkey as a European country firmly in the Western camp no longer corresponds with reality. Internally, the current regime believes that Turkey’s Westernization has been a degenerating process – a historical mistake – that has now been annihilated. As the internal state legitimation no longer requires anchoring Turkey to the West, but rather making the West a counter-image, a radical redefinition of Turkey’s national interests and position in the world has come about.


Anna Kronlund: The US Congress and decision-making on war: Debates on war powers in the separation of powers system

Debates on the war-making powers of the US Congress and the President have been topical of late. President Barack Obama’s actions in relation to Libya (2011), Syria (2013), and more recently the “targeted” actions against ISIL in Iraq and Syria, have raised discussions about the powers of the President as the Commander-in-Chief vis-à-vis the powers of Congress. If and when should the President seek congressional authorization for the use of US armed forces?

This Working Paper argues that Congress has constitutionally established but contingently manifest powers when it comes to decision-making on war. To examine this, the paper explicates the procedures of congressional involvement in the decision-making process on war and illustrates congressional debates on the war powers between the branches of government. The recent cases of Libya and Syria are examined in more detail to indicate the (aspired) role of Congress.

The powers between the branches of government are not static but rather (re)interpreted and (re)defined in different political contexts. War powers are one example to explicate the constitutional powers of the US Congress and the President that are divided, and to examine how these powers are considered and debated. While the debates are considered against the backdrop of the Constitution, the question to consider is how they relate to the political realities and power relations in changing political settings.

The Working Paper also explicates the role of Congress in the broader perspective rather than through the legislative record and voting only, even though the members of Congress have particularly emphasized debate (and voting) in the decision-making process. Concepts such as collective judgment, popular sovereignty and separation of powers are used in this context to indicate the role of Congress in this field. The changing nature of war and the concept of war pose new challenges for understanding and defining the powers related to “war making”, and are reflected in the continuing debates concerning the scope and relevancy of the power of Congress (and the President) when it comes to decision-making on the use of US armed forces.


FIIA Analysis

András Rácz & Arkady Moshes: Not Another Transnistria: How sustainable is separatism in Eastern Ukraine?

The situation in Eastern Ukraine is often compared with that of Transnistria, the separatist region of Moldova. However, the two cases differ for a number of reasons, all of which will make the “Novorossiya” project much harder for Russia to sustain than Transnistria.

First and foremost, unlike Transnistria, the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics in their current shape will be unable to influence the everyday political and economic functioning of Ukraine. Vis-à-vis the rest of Ukraine, they are much smaller than Transnistria is in relation to Moldova. The main energy pipelines leading to Ukraine do not cross the separatist territories, and with the economic ties getting severed, the main instrumental function of a frozen conflict – namely to constantly influence and destabilize the target country – is likely to be lost.

There are also several other factors, including: the lack of ethnic, national, linguistic or cultural background that would provide identity foundations for the Novorossiya project; the reliance of the separatists on the continuous, massive presence of the Russian military; the damage already inflicted on Russia’s international reputation; the effect on Russian domestic politics; the need for considerable financial assistance from Russia to the separatist territories; and the risk of increasing soft security challenges directly affecting Russia.

In addition to all this, it cannot be guaranteed that the separatist elites will always be fully obedient to the will of Moscow. The a priori readiness to defend and support the action of the local authorities will limit Moscow’s room for maneouvre.

Costly both politically and economically, the Novorossiya project is able to serve the Russian strategic objectives vis-à-vis the rest of Ukraine much less than Transnistria was able to do so vis-à-vis Moldova. Hence, one probable scenario is a further escalation of hostilities to expand the separatist-controlled territory, which may unfold relatively soon. However, in the medium term, the gradual restoration of Ukraine’s constitutional order in the territory should also be considered possible, within the framework of a larger international compromise and provided that reforms progress in Ukraine.


Publications from the Institut für Europäische Politik

Issue 4/2014 of ‘integration’ published

In the new issue of integration, Timm Beichelt presents in his interjection contentious issues of the general assumptions of the European Neighbourhood Policy and explains how this antagonism condemns the policy to failure. Further topics of the issue are problems of the French government with finding a new European narrative in face of strengthening Euro skeptic voices, a critical appraisal of the economic and political benefits of the first ten years of Hungarian EU-membership as well as the developments and perspectives of European macro regional strategies such as the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region. Furthermore, there are reports from the sixth German-Nordic-Baltic-Forum and a conference on the economic performance of public administrations.

For more information see:

Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c. Werner Weidenfeld and Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Wessels (eds.), Yearbook of European Integration

The Yearbook of European Integration published by the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP) documents and balances the European integration process from 1980 to the present. The result of 34 years of continuous work is a uniquely comprehensive account of European contemporary history.

The “Yearbook of European Integration 2014” continues that tradition. In the contents of about 100 articles the authors trace developments in European politics in their field of research priority in the reporting period 2014. They supply information on the work of the EU institutions, the developments of different policy areas in the EU, Europe’s role in global politics and the member and candidate states’ European policy.

For more information see:

Publications from the Institute for World Economics, Research Centre for Economic and Regional Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences

Andrea, Éltető ed., Mind the Gap. Integration Experiences of the Ten Central and Eastern European Countries.

Institute of World Economics, MTA KRTK, 2014, 147 p.


András Inotai, One decade of Hungary’s membership in the European Union: a critical appraisal of benefits and (self-made) costs. (in German), Integration, vol. 37, no. 4. 2014, pp. 320-344.


Kálmán Kalotay, Andrea Éltető, Magdolna Sass and Csaba Weiner, Russian capital in the Visegrád countries.

Institute of World Economics, MTA KRTK, 2014, Working Paper No 210. 57 p. 


Tamás Novák, Private Indebtedness in Hungary: Special Developments, Difficult Outcomes. In: Private Indebtedness in Bulgaria – Trends and Comparisons with Central and South East European Countries. Economic Policy Institute, Sofia, 2014, pp. 65-88.


Tamás Novák, Economic cooperation and integration in Central and Eastern Europe. In: Daniel S. Hamilton and Lily Gardner Feldman (eds.) Lessons for Others? International Perspectives on the Franco-German Relationship. Center for Transatlantic Relations, ISBN-13: 978-0-9890294-1-4., 2014


Judit Ricz, Developmental state in Brazil: past, present and future., 29/10/2014, 20 p.


Miklós Szanyi, Privatization and state property management in post-transition economies.

Institute of World Economics, MTA KRTK, 2014, Working Paper No 211. 40 p.


Ágnes Szunomár ed., Chinese investments and financial engagement in Visegrad countries: myth or reality?

Institute of World Economics, MTA KRTK, 2014, 178 p.



Publications from Elcano Royal Institute

Juan A. Sánchez and Juan Pizarro Miranda. How local ideas spread in English: a network analysis of think tanks on Twitter. WP 1/2015 – 22/01/2015. This paper analyses the networks of relations between think tanks in order to better understand their nature and the way they operate in a global reality. This exploratory research makes use of date collected on Twitter.

Assaf Moghadam. The interplay between terrorism, insurgency, and civil war in the Middle East. ARI 4/2015 – 22/1/2015. Terrorist groups are generally distinguished from guerrilla organisations, but this distinction is gradually disappearing as a growing number of terrorist groups adopt guerrilla tactics.

Miguel Otero-Iglesias. Beware of taking the ECB out of the Troika. Expert Comment 4/2015 – 19/1/2015. The Eurozone does not have a democratically legitimised European treasury and the European Central Bank has been forced to fill the gap. The solution cannot be to take the ECB out of the picture without creating a legitimate institution to fulfil that necessary role.

William Chislett. Spain and Greece: the same, yet different. Expert Comment 3/2015 – 19/1/2015. Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy’s visit to Greece has cast a spotlight on the similarities between the two countries. They certainly exist, but so do differences –and to a greater extent–.

Ignacio Molina. Spain in the UN Security Council in 2015-16: views from four different angles. Expert Comment 2/2015 – 19/1/2015. Spain is back on the UN Security Council. The General Assembly’s 193 members recently elected the five non-permanent members for the period 2015-16 and, after three rounds of voting in the European group, Spain came ahead of Turkey.

Miguel Otero-Iglesias. China has to walk economic tightrope. Op-Ed – 9/1/2015. China must relax its domestic finance grip to allow consumers to be driving force of economy.

Ricardo G. Barcelona and Bernardo M. Villegas. Correcting a mutual ignorance: rediscovering the Philippines as a gateway to ASEAN. ARI 3/2015 – 9/1/2015. Philippines and Spain have shared four centuries of colonial experiences and this should have translated into a robust post-colonial relation. Paradoxically, the mutual ignorance of the business communities of the two countries has aggravated Spain’s retreat from the Philippines, culminating in an irrelevant economic relationship.

Raquel Montes Torralba. Belgrade at the crossroads: Serbian-Russian relations in light of the Ukraine crisis. ARI 63/2014 – 22/12/2014. Despite having recently initiated negotiations to join the EU, Serbia has declared itself neutral concerning EU sanctions against Russia over the Ukraine crisis. This paper looks at Serbia’s somewhat ambiguous position between the EU and Russia.

William Chislett. Should the EU suspend Turkey’s accession negotiations? Expert Comment 69/2014 – 17/12/2014. The arrest of Turkish journalists, media executives and even the scriptwriter of a popular television series, ostensibly for ‘forming, leading and being a member of an armed terrorist organisation’, brought a swift rebuke from the European Commission and raised the question of whether Turkey’s EU painfully slow accession negotiations should be suspended.

Secretary of State for European Affairs (Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Spain). Twenty-three reasons for optimism in Spain. 16/12/2014. Facts on Spanish economy by the Secretary of State for European Affairs (Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Spain).

Salvador Llaudes, EU-28 WATCH No. 10 / July 2014: Spain. 16/12/2014. This document analyses the euroscepticism and the European Parliament elections in 2014, the EU’s neighbourhood in light of the Ukraine crisis and power relations in the EU from a Spanish perspective.

William Chislett. Can Spain afford the economic programme of Podemos? Expert Comment 67/2014 – 11/12/2014. The anti-establishment leftist party Podemos (‘We Can’) has unveiled its economic plan that is long on spending ideas and short on how to finance them.

Miguel Otero-Iglesias. Is China rebalancing? Yes, but with Chinese characteristics. ARI 59/2014 – 27/11/2014. The Chinese economy is gradually rebalancing, but for the foreseeable future investments (and not private consumption) will continue to be the main drivers of growth.

Haizam Amirah-Fernández. Middle East: alliances in times of turmoil. ARI 57/2014 – 21/11/2014. The Middle East is becoming a region with multiple centres of instability and increasingly complex conflicts.

Miguel Otero-Iglesias. Message to Germany: Do not waste Spain’s reform efforts. Op-Ed – 13/11/2014.  Germany must take an extra step, and reward countries like Spain, in exchange for accepting its disciplinary dictates.

elcano 4

Andrés Ortega, Putin and his supporters at Europe’s political extremes, Elcano blog, 10 February 2015.

Andrés Ortega, Dignity by 2030: no hunger and no extreme poverty, Elcano blog, 3 February 2015.

Emilio Lamo De Espinosa, Think tanks and universities: what, why and how?, Elcano blog, 30 January 2015.

Daan Rutten, The Energiewende and Germany’s Industrial Policy, Elcano blog, 29 January 2015.

Federico Steinberg and Miguel Otero-Iglesias, How to fix the euro, Elcano blog, 28 January 2015.

Andrés Ortega, Tsipras’ responsibility… and Europe’s also, Elcano blog, 27 January 2015.

Gabriel Siles-Brügge, Investor-State Dispute Settlement and the TTIP: still a thorn in European negotiators’ sides, Elcano blog, 21 January 2015.

Andrés Ortega, Greece can’t leave the euro without leaving the EU, Elcano blog, 20 January 2015.

Andrés Ortega, Charlie Hebdo, more questions than (provisional) answers, Elcano blog, 13 January 2015.

Mira Milosevich-Juaristi, Serbia’s OSCE chairmanship: back to the future, Elcano blog, 9 January 2015.

Andrés Ortega, The coming proliferation: home-printed guns, Elcano blog, 7 January 2015.

Andrés Ortega, Giving up on regime change, but hoping to transform them, Elcano blog, 23 December 2014.

Miguel Otero-Iglesias, How much Spanish sovereign debt does China hold?, Elcano blog, 17 December 2014.

Andrés Ortega, We’re losing Turkey, Elcano blog, 16 December 2014.

Andrés Ortega, A more global connectedness, Elcano blog, 9 December 2014.

Blanca Murray, Riding solo in the climate change battle is working, Elcano blog, 4 December 2014.

Andrés Ortega, Israel-Palestine: time is running out and religion is no help, Elcano blog, 2 December 2014.

Charles Powell, Has the EU already lost Britain?, Elcano blog, 1 December 2014.

Ángel Badillo, Manuel Gracia, Carola García-Calvo, Ivanosca López-Valerio and Iliana Olivié, Our new Global Presence website is here!, Elcano blog, 26 November 2014.

Andrés Ortega, Meanwhile, in Scotland and England…, Elcano blog, 25 November 2014.

Andrés Ortega, Double majority in the European Union, Elcano blog, 18 November 2014.

Andrés Ortega, Global Germany at 25, Elcano blog, 11 November 2014.

Andrés Ortega, 1989, much more than the Berlin Wall, Elcano blog, 4 November 2014.




New publication by Andrew Duff

andrew duffPandora, Penelope, Polity: How to Change the European Union

by Andrew Duff

In Pandora, Penelope, Polity: How to Change the European Union, leading constitutional specialist and federalist Andrew Duff lays down a detailed blueprint for reform of the EU’s constitution, to give Europe a proper government that can meet the urgent challenges it faces as a continent.

The European Union enters 2015 amid profound uncertainty as to its future direction. The main task of a new round of treaty amendment will be to create the constitutional framework for fiscal and eventual political union, while somehow also dealing with the British demand for renegotiation of its terms of membership. Many of Europe’s leaders fear opening the ‘Pandora’s box’ of further constitutional change − but the box is already open, and the bigger risk lies in failing to take action.

More information here

Publications from the College of Europe (Natolin)

Angelos Katsaris, The Climate Challenge in the South Mediterranean, openDemocracy, 16 January 2015.

Irene Fernández Molina, Relaciones internacionales y políticas exteriores de los Estados norteafricanos tras el ‘despertar árabe’, in P. González del Miño (ed.), Tres años de revoluciones árabes. Procesos de cambio: repercusiones  internas y regionales, Los Libros de la Catarata, Madrid, 2014 (with M. Hernando de Larramendi).

Tobias Schumacher, Nahost- und Mittelmeerpoliti, in: Werner Weidenfeld, Wolfgang Wessels (eds.), Jahrbuch der Europäischen Integration 2014, Baden-Baden, NOMOS, 2014.

Tobias Schumacher, The EU and Democracy Promotion: Readjusting to the Arab Spring, in: Larbi Sadiki (ed.), The Routledge Handbook on the Arab Spring, Oxon, Routledge, 2014.


Dimitris Bouris, EU-Palestinian Security Cooperation after Oslo: Enforcing Borders, Interdependence and Existing Power Imbalance,  in Del Sarto, Raffaella (ed.) Fragmented Borders, Interdependence and External Relations: The Israel-Palestine-European Union Triangle, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

Dimitris Bouris, The Vicious Cycle of Building and Destroying: the 2014 War on Gaza, Mediterranean Politics, Vol. 20, Issue 1, 2015.

Irene Fernández Molina, Moroccan Foreign Policy under Mohammed VI, 1999-2014, Routledge, 2015.

Irene Fernández Molina, Protests under Occupation: The Spring inside Western Sahara, Mediterranean Politics, Vol. 20, Issue 2, 2015.

Michał Natorski, Anna Herranz Surrallés and Esther Barbé, Contending metaphors of the European Union as a global actor: Norms and power in the European discourse on multilateralism, Journal of Language and Politics, Vol.14, Issue 1, 2015.

Tobias Schumacher, Andreas Marchetti, Thomas Demmelhuber (eds), The Routledge Handbook on the European Neighbourhood Policy, Oxon: Routledge, 2016.

Tobias Schumacher and Dimitris Bouris (eds.), The Revised European Neighbourhood Policy. Continuity and Change in EU Foreign Policy, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.


Publication from the College of Europe (Bruges)

PPCspine22mmSieglinde Gstöhl and Erwan Lannon (eds), The Neighbours of the European Union’s Neighbours: Diplomatic and Geopolitical Dimensions beyond the European Neighbourhood Policy, Farnham, Ashgate, 2014.

Publications from the Institute of International Relations, Prague

LOGO_UMVPetr Kratochvíl, Von Falken und Russlandfreunden, Zeitschrift Osteuropa, Heft 9-10/2014

Read more here

Centre for European Security of the IIR, European Security Spotlight, Centre for European Security of the Institute of International Relations on-line series

We would like to introduce to you the recently launched publication series from the new Centre for European Security (CES) of the Institute of International Relations Prague. The European Security Spotlight series offers timely, concise, policy-oriented insights into European security affairs. Its regular analyses zoom in on events of major significance, assess their strategic implications, and offer policy guidance to relevant decision-makers in the Czech Republic, Central Europe, and the EU as a whole. Drawing on the academic expertise of IIR fellows and affiliated scholars, the purpose of the series is to provide additional context and analytical depth to help readers make sense of the fast-changing security landscape in Europe and its neighbourhood. The first six Spotlights can be found on our website: ‘Lebanon – Resilient for Now’ and ‘The Risks of (Anti-)Muslim Radicalism’ by Jan Daniel; ‘A Fragile Vote for Europe’ and ‘Syriza: A Greek Trojan Horse’ by Michal Simecka; and ‘All in the Same Boat’ and ‘From Vicious to Virtuous: Transforming the Ukraine Crisis’ by Benjamin Tallis. – link to CES page from where all ESS can be downloaded. ‘Lebanon – Resilient for Now’ ‘The Risks of (Anti-)Muslim Radicalism’ ‘A Fragile Vote for Europe’ Syriza: A Greek Trojan Horse? From Vicious to Virtuous: Transforming the Ukraine Crisis ‘All in the Same Boat’




Ondřej Horký-Hlucháň, Transition Experience 2.0, IIR Policy Paper, December 2014

After twenty-five years of independent foreign policy making, the Central European countries must rethink their post-communist experience. The Transition Experience 2.0 narrative links the relatively successful development of the region not only to the political rights gained after 1989 but also to the social rights inherited from the socialist era.

Latest publications from CIFE

Energy Resources: Dependencies, Conflicts, and Rules in the EU and Asia

Together with Prof. François Bafoil, senior research fellow at CERI-Sciences Po, Laurent Baechler, CIFE director of the MAEIS (Master) anglophone branch, directed a collective research project dealing with energy security issues in Europe and Asia. Ellenor Francisco, CIFE alumna from the 2012-2013 anglophone branch, contributed as well to this collective work. The result of this project is an online publication on CERI’s website, composed of several articles handling such issues as the role of Mongolia’s fossil fuel resources in energy security in Asia, conflicts in South China Sea around off shore energy resources, NATO’s contribution to energy security of its members states. Laurent Baechler’s contribution deals with the Europeanisation of energy policy.

Les notes de recherche 1 et 2 (Policy Papers) dirigés par Hartmut Marhold sont disponibles en ligne

H. Marhold, Federalism still matters – Perspectives fédéralistes dans le débat actuel sur la réforme de l’Union européenne

Jean-Claude Vérez, Sortir de la zone euro et revenir au franc ou l’assurance d’un échec annoncé!

New publication from the Centre for Arctic Policy Studies, Institute of International Affairs at the University of Iceland

LogoIngmar Oldberg, The Role of Russia in Regional Councils: A Comparative Study of Neighbourhood Cooperation in the Baltic Sea and Barents Euro-Arctic Regions. Can be accessed here:


Recent publication from the Institute für Europäische Politik

Integration coverIssue 2/2014 of ‘integration’ publishedIn the new issue, Mathias Jopp and Daniel Göler provide a first assessment of the results of the European elections and Katrin Böttger draws first conclusions from the performance of the EU in the Ukraine crisis and makes suggestions for reforming the European Neighbourhood Policy. Two other articles are devoted to the Presidencies of the Council of the EU: Gianni Bonvicini and Ferdinando Nelli Feroci analyse the list of priorities Italy has set on the most important issues of its Presidency; Ramūnas Vilpišauskas and Bruno Vandecasteele assess the first Lithuanian EU Presidency as a successful and effective one. Thomas Winzen und Frank Schimmelfennig present the results of their investigation into the causes of differentiated integration. And finally, José Manuel Durão Barroso discusses the current EU situation and outlines the most important tasks for its future.

You can find more information here:

“How serious will the new EU leadership be about climate change targets?”, by Marco Siddi, EXACT alumni

Provocative columnIn January 2014, the European Commission presented a policy framework with proposed EU climate and energy targets for the year 2030. Objectives include a 40 percent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions compared to 1990 levels, an increase in renewable energy to at least 27 percent of total EU energy consumption and a non-binding commitment to raising energy efficiency by 30 percent. According to the Commission, EU member states would build on the 2020 targets (20 percent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions compared to 1990 and 20 percent increase in both renewables and efficiency) and continue to progress towards a low-carbon economy.

Shortly after the 2030 policy framework was presented, environmental organisations such as Greenpeace criticised the Commission for failing to set more ambitious goals. Indeed, a 7 percent increase in the share of renewables over 10 years and the non-binding target for energy efficiency are unimpressive. Now, member states may not even agree upon the modest 2030 objectives. As EU heads of state and government have not yet discussed the Commission’s proposal, the latter remains a working document. The Ukrainian crisis dominated the last EU summits; as a result of tensions between the EU and Russia (Europe’s main energy supplier), discussions in Brussels focused on differentiating imports, building a central purchasing body for gas and using domestic fossil fuel resources.

Last March, EU leaders pledged that a decision on the 2030 framework will be taken no later than October 2014. Hence, only one month is left to respect the deadline that they themselves proposed. If EU leaders do not agree on a credible climate change package – ideally one that is more ambitious than the Commission’s proposal – the EU will have little bargaining power at the 2015 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris, where global targets for reductions in greenhouse gas emissions should be decided. The EU risks a repetition of the 2009 Copenhagen climate change conference, when it was sidelined by the US and China and no binding targets were agreed.

Against this background, the first moves of the nascent Juncker Commission are not encouraging. According to the current plan, the Climate Action Directorate will be merged with the Energy Directorate; the Environment and the Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Directorates will also be lumped together. The Climate Action Directorate was created by the last Barroso Commission to assist with the implementation of the 2020 targets and address climate change issues (previously, climate change was within the competence of DG Environment). The disappearance of a dedicated climate commissioner is hardly a good signal in view of the Paris climate change conference.

Moreover, the proposed new Climate Action and Energy commissioner – former Spanish minister for agriculture, food and the environment Miguel Arias Cañete – is highly controversial. Cañete served as president of two oil companies, Ducar SL and Petrologis Canarias SL, until 2012 and he still holds shares of both companies. According to a statement he made in 2011, the value of these shares exceeds 300,000 euros. Cañete’s brother-in-law became director of Petrologis and Ducar in 2012 and his son is a board member at Ducar. Hence, the proposed commissioner faces a clear conflict of interests. Furthermore, it is hard to believe that a politician who has been deeply involved in the oil industry will take climate change issues at heart.

The appointment of Donald Tusk to the post of President of the European Council compounds negative developments in the Commission concerning climate action. During Tusk’s premiership, Poland was one of the staunchest opponents of measures to fight climate change. The country generates over 95 percent of its electricity from coal and its carbon dioxide emissions per capita continue to rise. The UN Climate Change Conference hosted by Tusk in Warsaw last year produced no results. Significantly, Tusk changed his minister for the environment during the conference, appointing Maciej Grabowski, an advocate of shale gas extraction. Tusk’s proposal for a European Energy Union is no less controversial, as it focuses entirely on fossil fuels and disregards renewables. According to Tusk, the EU should create a central body for the purchase of gas and make full use of its fossil fuel resources, including coal and shale gas. Following the proposal, the EU should import liquefied natural gas (LNG) from as far as the US and Australia, despite the additional transport-related emissions and the risk of accidents that this would entail.

If the EU is serious about its commitment to limit greenhouse gas emissions, it should change course and shift its focus and funding towards renewables. The main lesson to be learned from the Ukrainian crisis in terms of energy supplies is that the EU needs to diversify its consumption towards domestic renewables, rather than seeking new exporters of fossil fuels. The 2030 targets should be more ambitious than in the current Commission proposal; the efficiency target should become binding, more drastic emission cuts are necessary and the renewables target should be considerably higher. An agreement among EU leaders must be found quickly, so that the Union can prepare adequately its negotiating position at the 2015 UN Climate Change Conference.

Picture : © Google


Six new reports on European Union by the Istituto Affari Internazionali, (IAI) July-September 2014

Edited by Nathalie Tocci, Imagining Europe: Towards a More United and Effective EU,  (IAI Research Papers No. 15) June 2014, pages 220
As the unprecedented economic and political crises push Europe to the brink, a critical question arises as to what the foreseeable trajectories affecting EU governance and policy are in the decades ahead. This volume delineates what model of governance the EU could head towards, and which of these models is best suited for the purpose of a more united and effective Union. More information

Theodora Kostakopoulou, Mobility, Citizenship and Migration in a Post-Crisis Europe,  (Imagining Europe No. 9) June 2014, pages 26
The economic crisis in Europe post-2008 provided a fertile ground for the re-assertion of national particularism and for the dissemination of discourses questioning not only the idea of free movement of persons but the whole European project per se. Accordingly, the present institutional reality in the European Union is still characterised by two opposed halves: the institutional one that continues to advance free mobility and to promote associated life in the EU and enhanced rights protection for EU citizens, and the re-assertion of state power and neo-nationalism. The latter calls for a “palingenesis,” that is, for renegotiated arrangements. However, the advocated palingenesis carries the risk of the destruction of the foundations of the European project. This paper discuss both dimensions of the institutional reality of citizenship and intra-EU mobility and their connections with integration and migration. More information

M.Guibernau, Catalan Secessionism: Young People’s Expectations and Political Change, (The International Spectator Volume 49, Issue 3, 2014) August 2014, pages 106-117
The September 2014 referendum is a milestone in Scotland’s history. After 307 years of union with England and a 15-year experience with devolution, Scottish nationalism is within reach of its ultimate goal. Independence would be consensual and Scotland and the rest of the UK would retain multiple links. The EU dimension looms large in the debate and is entangled with the UK’s own review of its membership. Scotland’s referendum is part of a wider trend seeing other ‘stateless nations’ in the democratic world pursuing independence. Even if opinion polls indicate voters will likely reject secession, Scotland’s experience holds important lessons for the wider world. More information

Claudia Cencetti, Cybersecurity: Unione europea e Italia. Prospettive a confronto (Quaderni IAI No. 12) August 2014, pages 138
Information and communications technologies (ICT) are central to the key functions of modern society, representing the most important component of infrastructure. However, the increase in opportunities provided by ICT are paralleled by greater vulnerability. This volume addresses the question of cybersecurity, the new and growing need for security for economic and social development, by analyzing the initiatives undertaken in this field at the European Union level and in Italy. The EU and Italy are acquiring the minimum technical and normative instruments needed to manage cybersecurity: the EU by providing the guidelines for national initiatives, and Italy on the basis of the National Strategic Framework for Cyberspace Security and the relative National Plan for Cyberspace Protection and ICT Security.
More information

P.Dardanelli and J.Mitchell, An Independent Scotland? The Scottish National Party’s Bid for Independence and its Prospects (The International Spectator Volume 49, Issue 3, 2014) August 2014, pages 88-105
The September 2014 referendum is a milestone in Scotland’s history. After 307 years of union with England and a 15-year experience with devolution, Scottish nationalism is within reach of its ultimate goal. Independence would be consensual and Scotland and the rest of the UK would retain multiple links. The EU dimension looms large in the debate and is entangled with the UK’s own review of its membership. Scotland’s referendum is part of a wider trend seeing other ‘stateless nations’ in the democratic world pursuing independence. Even if opinion polls indicate voters will likely reject secession, Scotland’s experience holds important lessons for the wider world. More information

Dimitar Bechev, Can the EU Clean Politics in Enlargement Countries? Turkey in Comparison (GTE Commentary No. 14) September 2014, pages 2
The fight against corruption is yet another fine example of the mismatch between EU expectations and capabilities. On the one hand, many regard the Union as capable of overhauling bad habits in member states and, to an even greater degree, in countries that have embarked on the accession journey. On the other, it is important to understand that the rule of law is a precondition rather than a “deliverable”. This commentary looks at the “lessons learned” from the EU’s experiences in Bulgaria and Romania while reflecting on their meaning for Turkey’s accession process and the Union’s ability to bring about significant reforms in Turkey’s domestic setting. More information

Latest publications, Finnish Institute of International Affairs

The Finnish Journal of Foreign Affairs

The issue 3/2013 of the Finnish Journal of Foreign Affairs was published in mid-September with a focus on border issues and the war in Ukraine. Contrary to what was hoped for during the heydays of globalization in the 1990’s, the world has not become borderless. There is a massive development of new barriers, border fences and highly controlled areas around Europe’s external borders and other parts of the world. In most cases, these rigid borders separate wealthy people from the poor.

In the profile interview, Ilkka Laitinen, the former director of EU’s border agency Frontex, explains why sending more patrols to borders will not stop illegal immigration to Europe. In another high profile interview, MEP Olli Rehn, looks back at the key decisions made during his term as EU’s economic commission¬er. Rehn acknowledges that Germany has consolidated its position as EU’s leading nation but advises Finland to seek also other partners inside EU.

The Journal can be read both as a printed journal and as an e-paper at Selected full text articles are available at www.ulko¬

FIIA Report

Andrei Yeliseyeu: Keeping the Door ajar: Local border traffic regimes on the EU’s eastern borders

The EU eastward 2004 enlargement and the consequent entry of new EU member states into the Schengen area in December 2007 resulted in a considerable increase in visa fees and complications concerning visa procedures for applicants. This ushered in a sharp decrease in the number of issued visas, especially in Ukraine, Belarus and the Kaliningrad oblast (Russia). As a result, the Local Border Traffic (LBT) Regulation appeared to be a timely legal tool for the eastern EU member states to mitigate the negative effects of their accession to the Schengen area and to keep the borders ajar for legitimate border-crossing for family, cultural, social and economic reasons.

The 2006 EU Regulation makes it possible for the EU countries and Schengen non-EU members to conclude agreements with neighbouring third states on a visa-free land border-crossing regime for border residents (30-50 km zone on both sides of the border). As of early 2014, out of the 14 border sections at the EU’s eastern borders, namely the borders with Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova, 8 are covered by an operational LBT regime.

Since the adoption of the LBT Regulation, about 600,000 local border traffic permits have been issued, which allowed for many millions of border-crossings and stays in the adjacent border areas without visas. The impact of the LBTRs is multidimensional, with various effects on the mobility of the border population, and the economic and social development of the borderlands. The aim of this report is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the functioning and potential LBT regimes on the European Union’s and Norway’s eastern borders.

FIIA Analyses
Matthew Hoddie: Managing Conflict after Civil War: The Power-Sharing and Power-Dividing Approaches
This paper considers two institutional alternatives for managing conflict following the negotiated settlement of civil war. The most common set of institutional structures that former civil war combatants adopt are associated with power sharing. These power-sharing institutions may be constructed across the political, military, territorial, and economic dimensions of state power. Recent research suggests that post-civil war states that specify greater numbers of power-sharing institutions within their peace agreements tend to have a lower risk of the re-initiation of conflict. At the same time, critics of power sharing emphasize that these mechanisms lack a capacity to foster common identities among rivals and have characteristics that are inconsistent with the principles of democracy.

An alternative to power sharing for states that are emerging from civil war is the adoption of power-dividing institutions. The core features of the power-dividing approach are limiting the scope of government authority and establishing a wide-ranging system of checks and balances intended to manage the competing interests within a country. In many respects, these institutional structures parallel those established by the constitution of the United States. Those who are sceptical about the power-dividing approach, however, point out that these institutions have not yet been adopted in any state emerging from civil war. It thus remains unclear how effective these structures would be at managing conflict within this particularly challenging environment.

Sean Roberts, Anaïs Marin, Arkady Moshes, Katri Pynnöniemi: The Eurasian Economic Union: Breaking the pattern of post-Soviet integration?
The Eurasian Economic Union between Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia consolidates a market of 170 million people with a combined GDP of almost 3 trillion US dollars. On paper, this union has the potential to transform economic relations in the region and to offer an alternative to the EU in the post-Soviet space.
The Union, which comes into effect from January 2015, marks the latest achievement in the current ‘intensive phase’ of integration, which has seen the creation of a Eurasian Customs Union (2010), a Single Economic Space (2012) and a Eurasian Economic Commission (2012), all intended to facilitate the four economic freedoms – the free movement of goods, people, services and capital. Expanding the Union is also seen as a priority, with Armenia set to join the Customs Union and Kyrgyzstan already at an advanced stage of negotiation.

However, despite early successes, further deepening and widening of the Union are fraught with difficulties and the pace of integration will inevitably slow, as member states come to terms with the commitments they have made. Plans to deepen the Union have encountered a number of implementation issues leading to multi-speed integration from the outset. Likewise, plans to expand the Union have revealed a creeping politicisation that threatens to undermine the ‘economic only’ nature of this integration project.

More importantly, the latest phase of post-Soviet integration shows strong signs that the older problems of weak institutions and large asymmetry between member states are continuing to hinder closer ties. Taken together, and against the backdrop of an increasingly hostile international environment that has accompanied the crisis in Ukraine, the Eurasian Economic Union faces an uphill struggle to maintain momentum and deliver the results member states desire.

Briefing Papers

András Rácz: Divided Stands the Visegrad? The V4 have been united towards the Ukraine crisis but remain split concerning Russia
The destabilization of Ukraine and the possible escalation of the crisis have presented a direct security risk to the Visegrad countries – Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary – particularly concerning military security, the potential interruption of energy transit, and the possible influx of refugees. These factors have forced the Visegrad states to show unprecedented unity and activism in addressing the crisis.

However, regarding the possibility of sanctioning Russia, the Visegrad Group is unable to take a joint position. The main reason for this is that Russia does not pose a direct military threat to the region.
Consequently the individual policies of the Visegrad countries towards Russia are defined by a constellation of geopolitical concerns, normative motivations, business interests and domestic political ambitions, which are decidedly different in all four cases.

Domestic political motivations, such as the will to increase domestic legitimacy, and concerns over the economic effects of sanctions, obviously influence the foreign policy actions of the Visegrad governments. However, Viktor Orbán of Hungary was the only one to break the Visegrad solidarity on Ukraine with his domestically-motivated remarks in May 2014 and demanding autonomy for Hungarians living in the Trans-Carpathian region.

As most normative, business and domestic political motivations are of a lasting strategic nature, it is highly likely that the general incoherence of the Visegrad region regarding Russia will prevail.

Sanna Salo: Eurosceptics in the 2014 EP Elections: Protest parties mobilized on national cleavages between globalization winners and losers
In the May 2014 European Parliament elections, Eurosceptic parties mobilized on a new cleavage between the winners and losers of globalization, which mainstream parties have neglected.

The Eurosceptic surge should not be regarded merely as populism or protest, but a legitimate articulation of concerns about the new economic underclass – the globalization losers.

The articulation of the new cleavage varies according to domestic political contexts and traditions: in France, the Front National mobilized on themes of ethnic unity and national sovereignty; in Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland raised concerns over monetary independence in the eurozone, while in the UK, UKIP campaigned with anti-immigration and economic welfare themes.

Since the EP elections, the Eurosceptics have seemed intent on polishing their images and on being perceived as respectable office-seeking parties, both in the EP and at domestic levels.

Respectability requires a non-xenophobic agenda: in the EP, other Eurosceptics refused to cooperate with the FN due to the party’s anti-semitic past; yet the AfD, mobilizing on a more economic agenda, managed to join the ECR group dominated by British Conservatives, while UKIP managed to reform its EFD group.

Katri Pynnöniemi: Russian thinking in the Ukraine crisis: From drawing a line of defence to seeing a threat to national security
Three articles written by Russian foreign policy analyst Sergei Karaganov and published at the turning points of the Ukraine conflict shed light on how the reasoning on Russia’s strategic interests in Ukraine has evolved amid the conflict.

The meaning of the conflict, as explained in the first essay, is that Russia is drawing a line of defence against Western interference in its sphere of interest.

In the second essay, the assertion that with the Crimean operation Russia has forced the West to put an end to the Cold War, is reconfigured into a choice that Russia needs to make between the Western or non-Western path.

Finally, in an essay written after the downing of flight MH17, it is argued that without de-escalation the situation in Donbass will become a threat to Russian national security.

The evolution of the argumentation shows that some sort of ‘reality check’ has occurred in the vicinity of the general line. However, while the dangers inherent in the conflict are recognized, Karaganov fails to acknowledge Russia’s active involvement in the conflict.

FIIA Comments

Kristi Raik: Another try for Ukraine and Europe: Tensions between the EU and Russia continue as Ukraine aims to build a functioning European state
For a second time since the failed attempt of last November, Ukraine is gearing up to sign an Association Agreement with the European Union – this time on 27 June. The Ukrainians have chosen their domestic development path, which is closely tied to the country’s foreign policy orientation.

Charly Salonius-Pasternak: Kriisinhallinnan aikakausi Natossa päättyy: Muutokset horjuttavat Suomen aitaa
András Rácz: Putin’s Humanitarian Convoy and the Road to Ukraine: Russia may intend to change the course of the fighting
By using the humanitarian convoy as a pretext, Moscow may seek to establish an open, legitimate-looking ground presence in Eastern Ukraine, thus blocking the continuation of Kyiv’s military operation there, and sustaining the rule of pro-Russian separatists.
Niklas Helwig: Two foreign policy chiefs for Europe? Donald Tusk’s election could boost the foreign policy profile of the European Council President
The appointment of Donald Tusk and Federica Mogherini indicates a further shift in the dynamics of EU foreign policy-making towards the European Council. The two leaders will have to avoid rivalry and use their powers in Brussels to improve the EU’s international profile.
Arkady Moshes: A pause in the conflict in Ukraine: The moment to step up Western involvement in the country
Make no mistake: the ceasefire in Donbass, agreed upon in Minsk on September 5, does not herald stability and a sustainable resolution to the crisis in Ukraine.
Toni Alaranta: ‘New Turkey’ has to face the regional realities: Turkey’s Islamic identity has resulted in a bold foreign policy
The narrative of true Muslims re-conquering the Turkish state is a crucial component explaining the AKP’s policies and its continuing success. However, the reality of the Middle East doesn’t correspond to Turkey’s vision of itself as a regional leader.
Mari Neuvonen: What can the EU do for Gaza? Existing instruments should be utilised to support lifting the Gaza blockade
The EU should focus on its civilian crisis management missions in the Occupied Palestinian Territory in order to contribute to lifting the Gaza blockade. In this way, the EU could also promote the ‘bottom-up’ confidence-building needed to find a sustainable solution for Gaza.
Bart Gaens: Japan warms to collective self-defence: The constitutional reinterpretation is in line with other recent shifts in defence policy
The Japanese government has issued a reinterpretation of the constitution in order to allow Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defence. While seemingly of minor importance, the new procedure, together with other recent changes in defence policy, risks exacerbating the arms race in Asia in the longer term.

Elcano Royal Institute’s blog releases July-September 2014

Elcano blogAndrés Ortega, Scotland: Salmond wins, even if he loses, Elcano blog, 16 September 2014.

Andrés Ortega, What did NATO promise Gorbachev? Elcano blog, 9 September 2014.

Enas Rizk, Networked Egyptians, Elcano blog, 4 September 2014.

Andrés Ortega, NATO: fronts, frontiers and vectors, Elcano blog, 2 September 2014.

Andrés Ortega, Geopolitics in the Cloud, Elcano blog, 29 July 2014.

Andrés Ortega, Gaza, Flight MH17 and Europe, Elcano blog, 22 July 2014.

Kristina Lani, Albania: the Status is here! Elcano blog, 17 July 2014.

Andrés Ortega, The strange triad: the US, Iran and Saudi Arabia, Elcano blog, 15 July 2014.

Elisa Rodríguez, Cameron defeated, EU tries to minimise damages, Elcano blog, 11 July 2014.

Miguel Otero-Iglesias, The BRICS bank: the first big move in China’s global weiqi game, Elcano blog, 9 July 2014.

Andrés Ortega, The English (and British) question in Scotland, Elcano blog, 8 July 2014.

Andrés Ortega, The European Commission’s politicization, Elcano blog, 1 July 2014.


Latest publications Institute of World Economics 2014

Annamária Artner, Anatomy of the Euro-crisis. In: J. Jensen and F. Miszlivetz (eds.) Reframing Europe’s Future: Challenges and failures of the European construction (Routledge Advances in European Politics). Forthcoming.

András Deák, Emerging rival or dynamic partner – the EU and Russia. In: Péter Balázs (ed.): Europe’s Position in the New World, Central European University Press, Budapest, April 2014, pp. 117-135.

Zsuzsa Hegedűs and Judit Kiss, The impact of ten years of European Union membership on Hungarian agricultural trade. Studies in Agricultural Economics, Volume 116, No. 2, 2014, pp. 87-94.
See the short blog by the authors on the same topic here:

Gábor Túry, Diverging competitive performances of the Visegrad countries – some conclusions from the technology level of external trade. Unia, Nr. 3/2014 (226). Instytut Badań Rynku, Konsumpcji i Koniunktur, Warsaw, pp. 36-51.



Recent publications College of Europe Natolin 2014

Dimitris Bouris, The European Union and Occupied Palestinian Territories: state-building without a state, Routledge, 2014.
Dimitris Bouris, Can the EU Revive the Cause of Middle East Peace?, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 29 May 2014 (with Nathan J. BROWN).

Irene Fernandez-Molina, Morocco and the Middle East under Mohammed VI, Al-Sabah Publication Series, Durham University, June 2014.

Michał Natorski, A New European Social Contract for Ukraine, New Eastern Europe, 26 March 2014.
Michał Natorski, “Model, player or instrument for global governance: metaphors in the discourse and practice of EU foreign policy”, in: Caterina Carta and Jean-Frédéric Morin (eds.), Making Sense of Diversity: EU Foreign Policy through the Lens of Discourse Analysis, Farnham, Ashgate, 2014 (co-authored with Esther BARBÉ, Anna Herranz-Surralés).
Michał Natorski, EU Policies in the Eastern Neighbourhood: The practices approach, London, Routledge, 2014 (co-edited with Elena A. KOROSTELEVA and Licínia SIMÃO).
Michał Natorski,Relaciones de la Unión Europea con los vecinos”, in: Esther Barbé (ed.), Unión Europea en las Relaciones Internacionales, Madrid, Tecnos, 2014.

Cristian Nitoiu, EU-Russia Relations: Between Conflict and Cooperation, International Politics, Palgrave Macmillan, 14 February 2014.
Cristian Nitoiu, Between legality and legitimacy: Romania’s fight against corruption, openDemocracy, 11 March 2014.
Cristian Nitoiu, Europe is (still) failing to understand Russia’s actions in Crimea, openDemocracy, 9 April 2014.
Cristian Nitoiu, China is already sitting in Russia’s backyard, openDemocracy, 14 May 2014.
Cristian Nitoiu (ed.), Europe, Discourse, and Institutions. Challenging the Mainstream in European Studies, Routledge, 2014 (co-edited with Nikola Tomic).
Cristian Nitoiu, British press attitudes towards the EU’s global presence: From the Russian-Georgian War to the 2009 Copenhagen Summit, Comparative European Politics, Palgrave Macmillan, 7 July 2014.

Tobias Schumacher, Nahost- und Mittelmeerpolitik, in: Werner Weidenfeld, Wolfgang Wessels (eds.), Jahrbuch der Europäischen Integration 2013, Baden-Baden, NOMOS, pp. 299-306, 2014.
Tobias Schumacher, Ukraine, the west, and the issue of strategic thinking, openDemocracy, 5 March 2014.
Tobias Schumacher, The EU, North Africa, and Euro-Maghreb Cooperation. Five Considerations in Light of the Revised European Neighborhood Policy, in: Erzsébet N. RÓZSA and Máté SZALAI (eds.): Raising Awareness – Finding Common Ground: The V4 and the Maghreb, Budapest, HIIA, pp. 7-20, 2014.

Andriy Tyushka, Maidan’s doomsday: Fierce laws, farce amnesty and furiously faithful people in Ukraine,, 27 February 2014.
Andriy Tyushka, A liberationist constitution? Maidan’s revolutionary agenda and challenges for constitutional reform in Ukraine, European View, Vol. 13, Issue 1, 2014.

Forthcoming Publications
Irene Fernandez Molina, Moroccan Foreign Policy under Mohammed VI, 1999-2014, London/New York, Routledge, 2015.
Irene Fernandez Molina, The Evolving Foreign Policies of North African States (2011-2012): New Trends in Constraints, Political Processes and Behaviour, in Y. Zoubir and G. White (eds.), North Africa: From Status Quo to (R)Evolution, London/New York, Routledge, 2014 (with M. Hernando De Larramendi).
Michał Natorski, Contending metaphors of the European Union as a global actor: Norms and power in the European discourse on multilateralism, Journal of Language and Politics, 2014 (with Anna Herranz Surrallés and Esther Barbé).
Tobias Schumacher, Southern European States, in: Amelia Hadfield, Ian Manners, Richard Whitman (eds.), The Foreign Policies of European Union Member States, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2014 (with Stelios Stavridis).
Tobias Schumacher, The EU and Democracy Promotion: Readjusting to the Arab Spring, in: Larbi Sadiki (ed.), The Routledge Handbook on the Arab Spring, Oxon, Routledge, 2014.
Tobias Schumacher, Nahost- und Mittelmeerpolitik, in: Werner Weidenfuld, Wolfgang Wesseks (eds.), Jahrbuch der Europäischen Integration 2014, Baden-Baden, NOMOS, 2014.
Tobias Schumacher and Dimitris Bouris, The Revised European Neighbourhood Policy. Continuity and Change in EU Foreign Policy, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2015

Publications Elcano Royal Institute, Summer 2014

Logo ElcanoGabriel Siles-Brügge, ‘Race to the bottom’ or setting global standards? Assessing the regulatory impact of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). ARI 42/2014 – 19/9/2014. This study considers the likely regulatory impact of the proposed EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) in three key policy areas: investor protection, public services and food safety. More information here.

Sebastián Royo, After austerity: lessons from the Spanish experience, WP 11/2014 – 11/9/2014. This working paper seeks to provide an overview of Spain’s evolution since its transition to democracy and to explain its economic collapse after 2008. More information here.

Miguel Otero-Iglesias and Kristina Lani, Coverage of the Commission President candidates in the Spanish media shows the Spitzenkandidaten process had a wide reach across Europe, 11/9/2014. The Spitzenkandidaten campaign was as much present in Spain as it was in Germany and far more visible than in the UK. More information here.

José M. de Areilza, A tale of two cities: the next European Utopia, WP 10/2014 – 4/9/2014. The European Union must be reformed by placing emphasis on the material restriction of its powers, on politics and democracy at the European level, and on taking steps to make the Union an effective global actor. Based on these three axioms, it is possible to generate a new European ideal. More information here.

William Chislett, Erdogan, Turkey’s new sultan? Expert Comment 55/2014 – 11/8/2014. The victory of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey’s prime minister for the last 11 years and an increasingly authoritarian and polarising figure, in the first round of the country’s first presidential election by popular vote, marks a significant turning point in the political life of a nation that has been a sluggish EU candidate since October 2005. More information here.

William Chislett, Spain turns the corner, but the legacy from the crisis persists, WP 9/2014 – 5/8/2014. The programme of reforms and austerity measures has set Spain on a path of accelerating growth, but the legacy from the crisis remains profound. More information here.

Maria García and Clara Portela. How to boost Spain’s business presence in Singapore: opportunities in the wake of the Free Trade Agreement with the EU, ARI 40/2014 – 5/8/2014. This study examines the prospects for increasing Spain’s business presence in Singapore, with a particular focus on the improvements foreseen in the Free Trade Agreement that the Asian city-state has signed with the EU. More information here.

Miguel Otero-Iglesias, Germany and political union in Europe: nothing moves without France, WP 8/2014 – 4/8/2014. This working paper attempts to understand why after decades proposing the creation of a political union to make European Monetary Union (EMU) sustainable, Germany has not used the window of opportunity offered by the Eurozone crisis to pursue this goal more vigorously. More information here.

William Chislett, Net job creation finally arrives in Spain, Expert Comment 52/2014 – 25/7/2014. Spain’s accelerating economic recovery is finally feeding through to job creation. In the 12 months between June 2013 and 2014, 192,400 jobs were created – the first year-on-year rise since 2008 when the economic crisis ended a 13-year period of strong growth and the country went into five years of decline after the bursting of a debt-fuelled property bubble. More information here.

Park Hee-kwon, Chinese president’s visit to South Korea: an extraordinary milestone in bilateral ties, Expert Comment 50/2014 – 25/7/2014. The geopolitical plate of the Northeast Asian region is going through important shifts. At the heart of tensions is a trust deficit. However, it is worth to pay attention to Chinese President Xi Jinping’s state visit to the Republic of Korea (ROK) from July 3 to 4 this year, which shows sincere willingness to improve the bilateral relationship between ROK and China. More information here.

Ambassador R. Viswanathan. India and Latin America: a new perception and a new partnership, ARI 37/2014 – 22/7/2014. A new paradigm of both perception and of growth in the relations between India and Latin America is emerging, that should lead towards a longer-term partnership. More information here.

Miguel Otero-Iglesias, The BRICS New Development Bank: a historic game-changer? Expert Comment 48/2014 – 17/7/2014. Following two years of intense negotiations, the BRICS leaders agreed on 15 July 2014 in Fortaleza (Brazil) to launch the New Development Bank (NDB). This is a significant (and therefore not to be underestimated) step in their efforts to build a less crisis-prone international financial system. More information here.

William Chislett, Turkey: Erdogan to run in first direct presidential election, Expert Comment 45/2014 – 2/7/2014. Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey’s prime minister for the last 11 years and an increasingly authoritarian and polarising figure, will, as expected, run in the country’s first direct election for the presidency on 10 August. More information here.

IIRPS VU scholars publish a book on Belarusian regime

Logos Vilnius UniversityThe authors of this joint monograph “Belarusian Regime Longevity: Happily Ever After…”(2014, Vilnius: Vilnius University Press) are scholars at IIRPS VU. The book is published in English.

This book will find its reader among those interested in political processes within Eastern Europe as well as those studying political transition not towards democracy but the opposite way. But most of all will this book be interesting to those in search of alternative answers and causality in analysis of political phenomena.

The end of Cold War raised optimistic beliefs that democracy begins to prevail at least in Europe if not worldwide. Francis Fukuyama even spoke of the End of History, having in mind, inter alia, that after all countries choose democracy as the only feasible political regime, the studies of transitology will get discarded to the archives of history. Unfortunately quite the opposite happened: it turned out that democracy can pave the ground for the return of non-democratic regimes. Belarus is the example of authoritarian rule not only regaining its strength, but what makes it even worse – creating or exploiting the existing situation both within and outside the country as a tool of consolidating power in hands of one man.

Recent publications, Latvian Institute of International Affairs (LIIA)

Andris Spruds and Karlis Bukovskis (eds.), Ten Years in the Euro-Atlantic Community: Riga Conference Papers 2014, the Latvian Institute of International Affairs (LIIA), 2014.

Andris Spruds and Karlis Bukovskis (eds.), Security of the Broader Baltic Sea Region: Afterthoughts from the Riga Seminar, the Latvian Institute of International Affairs (LIIA), 2014.

Jean Monnet Chair of Prof. Wessels, “One goal, many paths. The promotion of Policy Coherence for Development in EU policy formulation”, by Simon Stroß

Cover BookDr Simon Stroß of the Jean Monnet Chair of Prof. Wessels has published the book “One goal, many paths. The promotion of Policy Coherence for Development in EU policy formulation”. The study analyses the coherence of policy-planning in the EU institutions in the areas fisheries, environment, and development policy. It is available as a pdf and in print.

“The EU needs to reinforce effective multilateralism as its key strategic objective in a multipolar world” By Juha Jokela

456x272_WHO-article-Revive multilateralism or fail global developmentThe return of power politics and collapse of the norms and principles governing European security must serve as a wake-up call for the EU to reinforce its commitment in and instruments to promote world order based on effective multilateralism writes Juha Jokela, the Programme Director of the EU research programme in the Finnish Institute of International Affairs.

A world order based on effective multilateralism is one of the key strategic goals of the EU outlined in its first ever security strategy in 2003. At the time, the concept was seen as a response to George W. Bush administration’s unilateralist tendencies, and linked to previous Clinton administration’s multilateralist commitment and policies of first assertive and then deliberative multilateralism. In both sides of the Atlantic, promoting multilateralism has meant support and confidence in international institutions, rules and partnerships. These in turn have been seen central in addressing conflicts, transnational challenges, sharing burden of and securing legitimacy for leadership in world politics, as well as promoting market economy in an interconnected and globalized world. Due to EU’s history and character, multilateralism is argued to be deeply embedded in its identity and thus reflected to its external relations.

Many have however suggested a crisis of multilateralism in world politics. Existing arrangements and institutions are often portrayed as politically weak, bureaucratic and therefore inefficient and unable to reform. At the same time, multipolarity has cast a shadow over the future of multilateralism. The increasing number of powerful global players has made it more difficult to realize common interests and absolute gains, and has highlighted national interests and relative gains. Even if the EU has aimed to utilize its strategic partnership with the US during Obama administration, and ‘multilateralize multipolarity’, effective multilateralism and EU’s global strategy in general seem to be increasingly outdated. Not least because of the sharpened internal divisions within the EU which saw daylight long before the financial and economic crisis that has led to an increasingly differentiated EU.

EU’s aspiration to reach a global and binding multilateral arrangement to tackle climate change has gone in vain. It has not been able to forge consensus to reform the UN Security Council even within its own member states, or advance trade liberalization though the WTO. It has turned defensive within the G20 in light of the increasing political pressure to reform the Bretton Woods institutions, and in doing so address European over-representation. Most recently, the Ukrainian crisis and Russia’s annexation of Crime has cast a long shadow over international law, underpinned by norms and principles cemented in the Helsinki Accord and Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, for instance.

The return of power politics and collapse of the norms and principles governing European security must serve as a wake-up call for the EU. As its instruments in playing great power games are weak, the EU must reinvigorate its dedication to effective multilateralism and generate strategic vision and action to shape the world around it, rather than accept to be shaped by it. The current crisis has underlined the need to work through and continue to streamline common European institutions in terms of effective decision-making and coherent external representation. At the same time the EU should not shy away from developing its resources and instruments in order to response events in its neighborhood and beyond, including common security and defense policy, common energy policy as well as soft and hard economic instruments. These are, after all, crucial in promoting and securing a world order favorable for the EU and Europeans.

Picture : ©

Publications Istituto Affari Internazionali, April-May 2014

logo-IAI11.    Caspian Gas, TANAP and TAP in Europe’s Energy Security, by Ariel Cohen (IAI Working Papers 14|06) 14 April 2014, pages 16

Russia’s occupation of the Crimea and possible incorporation of Eastern Ukrainian regions demonstrated Europe’s vulnerability to Gazprom’s energy power. Whatever the EU’s reactions, diversification of energy supply to diminish Russia’s market share is likely to be one of them. TAP is one step towards the strategic goal of diminishing Gazprom’s huge presence in Europe. But in view of the proposed construction of the Russian South Stream, how could Central Europe, and especially Bulgaria, Romania, Austria and Lithuania, ensure energy diversification? What next for the Southern Corridor? Is Russia going to accept and tolerate infrastructure growth of the Caspian and other competitors south of its borders? Read more

  1. Europe’s Changing Architecture: Notes on Rethinking the EU-Turkey Relationship, by Rosa Balfour (GTE Policy Brief No. 16) 30 April 2014, Pages 5

2015 will mark 10 years of accession negotiations. Fast-forward to 2015, Turkey will have been through three election rounds and possibly deep political changes in a decade that has been characterised by the unchallenged government of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). In the EU, the leadership changes of 2014 will provide new faces and there are also deeper trends and opportunities within the EU which could help the two redefine their relationship: internally, the process of European integration is showing signs of shifting away from the “ever closer union” model to one with far greater differentiation and complexity. Externally, the events of the past few years could lead to a fundamental rethinking of the EU’s relations with its neighbours as well as a strategic reassessment of its friends and allies. This short paper aims to explore the options that may be on the table for rethinking EU-Turkey relations in the context of the debate on the future of European integration. Read more

  1. The Governance of Migration, Mobility and Asylum in the EU: A Contentious Laboratory, by Giulia Henry and Ferruccio Pastore (Imagining Europe No. 5) 30 April 2014, Pages 43

The management of population movements across national borders does not represent a single and unified regulatory field at EU level. Mobility of EU citizens, migration of third country nationals and asylum have long evolved as autonomous policy areas, driven by distinct policymaking logics. This paper briefly reconstructs the evolution of each of these areas, with a focus on governance structures and on core-noncore relations. We then move to identifying two major structural transformations (the economic crisis with its heavy polarizing effect and the wave of political instability in the Mediterranean) both with significant migratory repercussions which are producing centrifugal effects on EU migration, mobility and asylum governance. In the final section of the paper, we draw some possible institutional and political scenarios for each of these separated but ever more interconnected policy fields. We end by arguing that only by facing migratory challenges with more resources and in a more integrated way the EU can defuse their disruptive potential and enhance their positive dimension. Read more

  1. The Southern Gas Corridor: Europe’s Lifeline?, by David Koranyi (IAI Working Papers 14|07) 30 April 2014, pages 10

The Ukraine crisis brought European energy security and with it the Southern Gas Corridor back into the spotlight. The crisis is far from over, but it is already clear that both the scope and nature of Russia’s relations with the European Union (EU) and the United States cannot remain unchanged. As the strategic context changes and Europe becomes more and more concerned about Russia’s behaviour and reliability as an energy supplier, particularly for natural gas, the relative importance of alternative sources will grow further. Europe is in the midst of rethinking its entire energy and gas supply security strategy. The Southern Gas Corridor can and should be a critical component in this context, while its prospects should be assessed realistically. It is by no means a short-term solution, yet in the medium-term, the Corridor has the potential to become a major source of gas for Europe. The EU should deploy robust energy diplomacy as well as resources to speed up its development. Read more

  1. Priorities and Challenges of the 2014 Italian EU Presidency. Report of the TEPSA Pre-Presidency conference, by Emiliano Alessandri, Nicole Koenig and Marco Siddi (Documenti IAI 14|07) 7 May 2014, pages 11

Decision-makers and policy analysts from leading European think tanks and academics met in Rome to discuss the priorities and challenges of the upcoming Italian Presidency of the Council of the European Union (July-December 2014). This report offers an overview of the key themes discussed at the conference: the prospects for a more effective European economic governance and for new measures to stimulate a job-creating growth; the response to the Ukrainian crisis and its implications for the EU’s neighbourhood policy; the future of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP); the reform of the EU immigration policy; the effectiveness and legitimacy of the EU leadership. For each of these priority themes, the report provides a list of recommendations about the initiatives that the Italian government can undertake during its presidency term to promote the European integration process. Read more

  1. Governing Irregular Migration and Asylum at the Borders of Europe: Between Efficiency and Protection, by Anna Triandafyllidou and Angeliki Dimitriadi (Imagining Europe No. 6) 19 May 2014, pages 33

This paper investigates recent developments in EU policy on controlling irregular migration and managing asylum at the EU’s southern borders. The paper focuses on the (im)balancing act between efficiency and protection in EU policies. Beginning by expounding the notion of governance of irregular migration and asylum, we turn to critically discuss current European border control practices with a focus on the agencies and policies in place (including the Common European Asylum System). The paper concludes by showing how the EU’s balancing act between irregular migration control and asylum management tips clearly towards the former even if it pays lip service to the latter as well as to the need of preventing the loss of human life. Read more

  1. Thinking the Unthinkable: Promoting Regional Approaches to EU Energy Policies for a More United and Effective Europe, by Christian Egenhofer and Jacques de Jong (Imagining Europe No. 7) 31 May 2014, pages 21

Regional approaches to EU energy policies have been termed the “Schengenisation” of energy, making reference to the Schengen Convention eliminating intra-European border controls. They aim to hone the effectiveness of EU energy policy objectives through enhanced policy coordination at the regional scale. Typically, this includes energy market integration while accounting for member states’ continued deployment of national-level policy instruments regarding the appropriate energy mix and the security of energy supply, which is foreseen in the EU Treaty. This report explores the potential for such regional approaches. It assesses lessons from existing initiatives to determine whether regional energy initiatives are an efficient, effective and politically acceptable approach toward reaching three EU energy policy objectives: competitiveness, supply security and sustainability. Regional approaches could possibly play an important role for governing EU renewables policy, which the European Commission has identified in the 2030 climate and energy framework as an important element for governance. Read more

  1. International Security Across the Atlantic: A Longitudinal Comparison of Public Opinion in Europe and the United States, by Philip Everts, Pierangelo Isernia and Francesco Olmastroni (Transworld Working Papers No. 29) 31 May 2014, pages 26 + 35 (Annex)

The paper compares the attitudes and preferences of American and European public opinion along four major dimensions of international security: threat perceptions, sense of community, support for Atlantic partnership and institutions, and orientation toward the use of military force. After a retrospective overview of the relevance of foreign and security policy issues to the public, a thorough review of the existing polling data shows that Europeans and Americans have a similar structure of belief along these four dimensions. They have comparable perceptions of threats, domestic priorities and comparable perceptions of friends and allies and a strong affinity for each other. Europeans and Americans agree upon the relative distribution of power in the world and on the relative importance of economic versus military strength. Most Europeans and Americans are internationalists and Atlanticists. They share a belief in both the necessity and effectiveness of multilateral, common action and international institutions. The only area on which the differences in views seem to be more stable is on the suitability and acceptability of the use of military force, with Europeans giving a higher priority to soft tools than Americans. Read more

  1. European Security Post-Libya and Post-Ukraine: In Search of Core Leadership, by Jolyon Howorth (Imagining Europe No. 8) 31 May 2014, pages 36 .

The paper analyses the future governance of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Unlike other policy areas, the main challenges for CSDP stem from the lack of a core leadership and common purpose rather than from institutional design faults. Alongside, the EU’s dysfunctional relationship with NATO has reduced the CSDP to a largely civilian crisis management endeavour in the wider EU neigbourhood. Moving forward, the EU ought to capitalize on sub-regional integration efforts in this field, while maintaining the EU as a whole as the basic reference point and common framework for deeper integration between groups of member states. Read more

Publications Institute for World Economics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Spring 2014

iweTamás Novák, Implications of the TTIP on the Global Economic Integration of Central and Eastern Europe. Kihívások (Challenges) No. 210. IWE, MTA KRTK, Budapest, 2014. Read

 Tamás Novák, Economic Perspectives of the Western Balkans – Back to the Past. Kihívások (Challenges) No. 211. IWE, MTA KRTK, Budapest, 2014. Read

Csaba Weiner, The Contest for Gas Resources and Markets in Post-Soviet Space: Dependence and Diversification. Kihívások (Challenges) No. 212. IWE, MTA KRTK, Budapest, 2014

 Andrea Éltető, Trade and investment relations between Central and Eastern Europe and Latin America. Working Paper No. 206, IWE, MTA KRTK, Budapest, 2014. Read

Krisztina Vida, Quest for growth and fiscal stability in the Visegrad countries. In: Istvan Benczes (ed.): Crisis in the West and the East. Vienna: Wiener Verlag für Sozialforschung, 2014, pp. 117-144.

Krisztina Vida, Ten years in the EU. Hungary’s performance in the comparative context of the Visegrad countries. In: Unia Europejska, SGH Warsaw (upcoming)

Miklós Somai, Agricultural accession of Hungary to the EU: hopes, facts, lessons. In: Unia Europejska, SGH Warsaw (upcoming)

 András Inotai: Bemerkungen zur Wirtschaftslage in den Donauraum-Laendern, 5 p. To be published on 25 June 2014, Wiener Zeitung Supplement (on the occasion of the Annual Forum of the Danube Strategy, Vienna, 26-27 June)

 A Call for Change. From the crisis to a new egalitarian ideal for Europe. Scientific Board of the Progressive Economy (Joseph Stiglitz, Jean-Paul Fitoussi, András Inotai, etc.) April 2014 (published in several languages) 17 p. Read

Publications Finnish Institute of International Affairs, Spring 2014


EU After the Economic Crisis. The final report of the EU After the Economic Crisis project, which was carried out in cooperation with the Research Institute of the Finnish Economy (ETLA) and funded Jane and Aatos Erkko Foundation, has been published. Read the report.

 Books by FIIA researchers

Mika Aaltola, Juha Käpylä & Valtteri Vuorisalo: The Challenge of Global Commons and Flows for US Power: The Perils of Missing the Human Domain, Ashgate 2014.

 FIIA Report

Mika Aaltola, Juha Käpylä, Harri Mikkola, Timo Behr: Towards the Geopolitics of Flows: Implications for Finland.Geopolitics is increasingly defined by the strengthening force of stable and secure global flows of goods, resources, finance, people and … Read more

Juha Jokela, Markku Kotilainen, Teija Tiilikainen, Vesa Vihriälä: EU:n suunta: Kuinka tiivis liitto?

 FIIA Analysis

Heidi Maurer, Kristi Raik: Pioneers of a European Diplomatic System: EU Delegations in Moscow and Washington.Since December 2009, the European Union has been represented abroad by more than 130 delegations … Read more

 Briefing Papers

Sinikukka Saari: Georgia’s Search for the Third Way: Despite a strong westward pull, Georgia attempts to improve its relations with Russia. Russia is not likely to resort to overt political pressure on Georgia in the run-up to Georgia’s signing of the Association Agreement with the EU (27 June), and the …. Read more

Toni Alaranta: The end of the EU project in Turkey? Determinants of Turkey’s EU bid under the AKP regime. Ever since the founding of the Republic in 1923, the idea of making Turkey a European country… Read more

Niklas Helwig: The High Representative 3.0: Taking EU foreign policy to the next level. In autumn 2014, Catherine Ashton’s successor is scheduled to start his term as High Representative of the Union… Read more

 Päivi Leino, Janne Salminen: Beyond the Euro Crisis: European constitutional dilemmas and Treaty amendments. The actual need for Treaty amendments is open to interpretation, for example in relation to the inclusion of the recent euro crisis-related international agreements in EU law… Read more

Jyrki Kallio: Chinese Dream, Others’ Nightmare? Despite superficial similarities, China is not destined to follow Russia’s path to rogue-dom. Although China’s statements about the Ukrainian crisis have been weighed very carefully, there are concerns that China is drawing lessons such as ‘might is right’ and ‘geopolitics is all that matters’ from the crisis. Read more

Katja Creutz: The ICC under Political Pressure: Towards Lowered Expectations of Global Justice. In 2010, the International Criminal Court (ICC) launched investigations into the 2007–2008 post-election violence in Kenya… Read more

 Karl Lallerstedt, Mikael Wigell: Illicit trade flows: how to deal with the neglected economic and security threat.Illicit trade flows generate massive costs for the EU, yet the countermeasures have been inadequate… Read more

Antto Vihma & Harro van Asselt: The Conflict over Aviation Emissions: A Case of Retreating EU Leadership? Notwithstanding the incremental steps taken in October 2013, meaningful action on regulating international aviation emissions through the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) remains a distant prospect… Read more

Working Paper

Tuomas Iso-Markku: Linking Domestic and European Politics: Finnish MEPs and the Votes that Shaped the 7th European Parliament. The members of the European Parliament act in a challenging intermediary position between domestic and European politics. The MEPs represent national parties and are elected nationally. However … Read more

FIIA Comment

Katri Pynnöniemi: Understanding Russia’s actions in Ukraine: The art of improvisation. Understanding Russia in the current crisis calls for a combination of three frames … Read more

Publications from the Jean Monnet Chair Pr. Wessels, May 2014

Hanna-Lisa Hauge and Wolfgang Wessels, Wer regiert? Der Europäische Rat und die Europäische Kommission in der institutionellen Architektur der EU, GWP – Gesellschaft. Wirtschaft. Politik, Issue 1/2014, pp. 37-50.

 Wolfgang Wessels, Revisiting the Monnet Method – A contribution to the periodisation of the European Union’s history, in: Bachem-Rehm, Michaela/Hiepel, Claudia/Türk, Henning (eds): Teilung überwinden. Europäische und Internationale Geschichte im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Festschrift für Wilfried Loth, Munich 2014, pp. 49-59.

Publication Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS), May 2014

gfx-logoNissen, Christine: ‘ Voting Behavior in the European Parliament 2009-2014: Implications for EU and national Politics’, DIIS Report, the Danish Institute for International Studies, May 2014

To illustrate how big a role the European Parliament plays in shaping EU legislation, and how the political and ideological composition of the European Parliament ultimately decides the direction of the Parliament’s footprint, this report focuses on the European Parliament as an institution and on 15 key votes that shaped Europe in 2009-2014. Moreover, the report presents an in-depth case study of Denmark in the European Parliament, examining how Danish MEPs work in the European Parliament. The report is a part of a larger research project, “European Parliament votes that shaped EU and national political 2009-2014” initiated by VoteWatch Europe and Notre Europe, and done in cooperation with partners in two thirds of the Member States all giving their national analysis of the impact of European policy issues on national politics. Read more.

TEPSA Report “The 2014 EP Election Campaign in the Member States: National Debates, European Elections” by Mirte van den Berge

tepsa“This time it will be different” was the slogan of the information campaign for the 2014 European Parliament elections of the European Parliament (EP) itself. While the EP has been directly elected since 1979, its elections are traditionally regarded as second-order elections. The 2014 elections were expected to challenge this fact, marking a shift in the (perceived) importance of the European Union as a whole and the European Parliament in particular. The framework of TEPSA, as a network of 33 think tanks and research institutes focused on EU integration in the EU member states, provides an excellent opportunity to analyse information on the EP election campaign in the member states. The report focuses on the nature of the electoral campaign; the topics discussed; the relevance of any alliance to party groups in the European Parliament in the national debates; and the role the European “Spitzenkandidaten” (the candidates nominated by the pan-European political parties for the post of Commission President) played in the election campaigns in the member states. This paper can be considered an early attempt to explore whether or not the 2014 election campaigns have been substantially ‘different’ compared to before. Read more.

Publications Sciences Po CEE, November 2013-May 2014

Logo CEEBagarella, Giacomo, Defense Retrenchment in Europe: The Advantages of a Collaborative Reponse to Relative Decline and Economic Crisis, Les Cahiers européens de Sciences Po, n° 03/2013, November 2013, 30 p.

This article examines the military retrenchment of regional powers in the face of a sudden economic crisis, thus distinguishing itself from mainstream scholarship, which has focused on single hegemonic powers undergoing relative decline. Collective action theory suggests that actors seeking to obtain a common good … Read more

Articles in peer review

Favell, Adrian, The fourth freedom. Theories of migration and mobilities in ‘neo-liberal’ Europe, European Journal of Social Theory, May 2014, vol 17, n° 2. Read here

Hay, Colin, Depoliticisation as process, governance as practice: what did the ‘first wave’ get wrong and do we need a ‘second wave’ to put it right?, Policy and Politics, April 2014, vol 42, n° 2, p. 293-311. Read here

Kostelka, Filip, The State of Political Participation in Post-Communist Democracies: Low but Surprisingly Little Biased Citizen Engagement, Europe-Asia Studies, May 2014, On line. Read here

Laïdi, Zaki, Towards a post-hegemonic world: The multipolar threat to the multilateral order, International Politics, April 2014, vol 51, p. 350-365. Read here

Laïdi, Zaki, Un traité transatlantique pour quoi faire?, Esprit, March 2014, p. 11-15. Read here

Editorships of Special Issues 

revue de l'OFCEBlot, Christophe, Rozenberg, Olivier, Saraceno, Francesco et al, (dir.), Reforming Europe, Revue de l’OFCE – Debates and Policies, May 2014, n° 134, 260 p.

Europe is experiencing a threefold crisis with economic, institutional as well as political dimensions. The crisis is first economic as European countries have endured the most severe recession since World War Two. This recession exposed the weaknesses of European governance, i.e. of the macroeconomic policies but also of the EU institutions. A crisis of trust results from those events. Indeed, the difficulties to overcome the crisis have caused a drop in European citizens’ support towards the EU. In this context, the on-going public debate is monopolized by the two extreme positions of self-satisfaction and Euroscepticism. The former has its roots in the fact that the reforms implemented during the crisis have enabled the euro and the EU to survive. At the opposite, the depth of the crisis has fed Eurosceptic views arguing in favour of restoring national currencies as well as the primacy of domestic norms. The contributions of this volume tend to reject both visions. Our ambition is indeed to feed the public debate by exploring different possibilities of reform for the EU. Given the multidimensional nature of the on-going crisis, a multidisciplinary approach is followed throughout this special issue in order to grasp the political, legal and economic aspects of the debate.

Books(Covers in attachment named with the title of the book)

 Agir dans un monde incertainBarthe, Yannick, Callon, Michel & Lascoumes, Pierre, Agir dans un monde incertain : Essai sur la démocratie technique, Edition révisée, Paris : Le Seuil, 2014. 448 p.

Des déchets radioactifs aux ondes électromagnétiques en passant par les OGM, les inquiétudes et les controverses se multiplient qui mettent en cause le monopole des experts sur l’orientation des décisions politiques relatives aux questions technologiques. Loin de déplorer une crise de confiance, les auteurs de ce livre analysent les nouvelles relations entre savoir et pouvoir qui émergent de ces débats. Refusant les traditionnelles oppositions entre spécialistes et profanes, professionnels de la politique et citoyens ordinaires, ils tirent profit des expériences existantes pour tracer les contours d’une démocratie technique et imaginer des dispositifs de décision capables de répondre à ces nouveaux défis.

Lascoumes, Pierre & Le Galès, Patrick, Sociología de la acción pública, Mexico : El colegio de México, 2014, 142 p.

Publicado por primera vez en 2007, este libro plantea un enfoque para comprender las dinámicas y transformaciones asociadas a la movilización e involucramiento de los cada vez más numerosos actores económicos y sociales, territoriales y transnacionales en la acción del Estado. Para ello, los autores parten de dos preguntas fundamentales: ¿Qué es una política pública? ¿Un mandato procedente de una autoridad central con el fin de resolver un problema en nombre del bien común; o bien, un vasto espacio de negociación entre una multitud de actores privados y públicos? ¿Cómo cambian las políticas públicas? ¿Por movilizaciones sociales que demandan una regulación pública; o bien, en función de contextos institucionales que formatean esas demandas según sus lógicas internas?

Les cahiers européens de Sciences PoHay, Colin, Smith, Martin & Richards, David (dir.), Institutional Crisis in 21st Century Britain, Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, 344 p.

In the 21st Century, a ‘perfect storm’ appears to have engulfed may of Britain’s most important institutions’. The list of those it has enveloped is extensive, but headline acts would include – the banking sector for malpractice, Parliament for its expenses scandal, the media for phone-hacking and the police for duplicity and corruption. It raises a fundamental question of whether there is an endemic and fundamental crisis in British political, economic and social institutions or instead simply a set of contingent events that have been discursively constructed and presented as a collective crisis? This volume offer the first major, wholesale consideration of the extent to which a crisis of legitimacy has taken root in Britain’s key institutions. It does so by exploring the nature of crisis across a diverse range of institutions, assessing the accuracy of the ‘crisis’ label and crucially considers whether a set of shared underlying pathologies exist that has led to a point of collective crisis and the need for fundamental renewal.


Publications Institute für Europäische Politik (IEP) December 2013 – Mai 2014

logoJulian Pänke, Moving beyond the normative-geopolitical ambiguity of the EU’s imperial politics in the Neighbourhood: The case of Lebanon, IEP Policy Paper on Eastern Europe and Central Asia No. 4, 21 May 2014.

Since 2011, the war in Syria threatens the security and balance of power in the Near East. Julian Pänke addresses the development of EU-Lebanon relations before and after 2011, emphasizes the growing importance of the Union as a stabilizing factor in the region and gives recommendations for their advancement. Read more

Marco Siddi, The Italian presidency of the European Union: An opportunity to review EU relations with Russia and EaP countries, IEP Policy Brief on Eastern Europe and Central Asia No. 1, 20 March 2014.

Marco Siddi analyses the possibilities of the Italian Council Presidency to influence the management of the crisis in Ukraine. Read more

Julian Pänke, Enemy at the gates? How the EU should cope with Russia in its Eastern Neighbourhood, IEP Policy Brief on Eastern Europe and Central Asia No. 2, 20 March 2014.

Julian Pänke gives recommendations for dealing with Russia both in and beyond the crisis in Ukraine. Read more

Katrin Böttger, Time to hit the reset button: the Eastern Partnership after the Vilnius Summit and the role of Russia, TEPSA Policy Paper, 19 March 2014.

Katrin Böttger deals with the development of the EU-Ukraine relations before and after the Vilnius summit, draws first lessons from the crisis in Ukraine for the EU’s foreign policy and gives recommendations for its further development. Read more

Prof. Dr. Heinrich Schneider (ed.), integration, IEP Quarterly Journal 1/2014.

The first 2014 issue of the Quarterly Journal “integration” includes the articles “Predictions about the Composition and the Functioning of the European Parliament after the 2014 Elections” (Valentin Kreilinger), “The Role of the European and National Parliaments under EMU Governance” (Christian Deubner), “The Ongoing Candidacy. The Europeanization of Turkey under AKP Rule” (Olaf Leiße und Marta Tryk) and “Back To Basics: European Political Union” (Andrew Duff). Read more

Mathias Jopp and Funda Tekin (eds.), Der Wert Europas, Institut für Europäische Politik, December 2013.

The study deals with the social, political and economic value of European integration in Germany and for its citizens in the areas European citizenship, the normative values of the European Union, the politics of migration, energy, climate and environment, internal security as well as enlargement and European neighbourhood policies, thereby focusing mainly on the immaterial value of Europe. Read more

The EU and Donor Coordination on the Ground : Perspectives from Tanzania and Zambia – Sarah Delputte & Jan Orbie – Center for EU Studies, Ghent University, Belgium

The proliferation of aid donors and channels for aid and the resulting fragmentation brings about huge costs for developing and donors countries and has a detrimental effect on the impact of aid. Coordination is presented as a strategy to help resolve this problem and has been at the top of the development agenda in the past decade. The EU has on many occasions expressed its ambition to foster this agenda and strengthen internal EU coordination. However, the few existing contemporary studies suggest that the implementation of coordination is fairly low. This article seeks to understand this gap through an empirical analysis of  EU coordination  in Tanzania and Zambia. The findings reveal that the EU’s internal and external coordination role has indeed been limited. It is argued that challenges to EU coordination can partly be explained by institutional factors, but that ideational and political elements should also be considered in order to gain a more profound understanding. Read more.

Iceland and the EU – IIA publishes a report on the Iceland-EU accession negotiations

logo IcelandThe Institute of International Affairs published a lengthy report on the the Iceland-EU accession negotiations on April 7 2014. The Icelandic Confederation of Labour, the Icelandic Federation of Trade, the Confederation of Icelandic Employers and the Icelandic Chamber of Commerce commissioned the report.

The report focused on four key areas:
1. Economic and monetary affairs & free movement of capital
2. Fisheries, right of establishment and freedom to provide services
3. Agriculture and rural development & food safety, veterinary and phytosanitary policy
4. The status and future of the EEA agreement, including discussions on the developments taking place within the European Union since the accession negotiations with Iceland began in 2009

The report received considerable coverage in the Icelandic media and the authors of the main chapters were interviewed on all the main television and radio programs, as well as in all the major newspapers in Iceland. The executive summary has been translated into English and can be found on the IIA’s website:

“The EU’s Eastern Partnership project has failed. Would any reedition of the project work?” TEPSA Provocative column by Andras Inotai

Pic provocative columnThe current and deepening crisis in Ukraine revealed the complete inadequacy of the Eastern Partnership project, at least as it had been constructed since 2009. First, it did not support economic restructuring of the countries involved. Just the opposite, as seen in Ukraine, the member countries have been facing with growing economic problems that obviously contributed to the current critical situation. Second, any implementation of a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement would create an uneven distribution of costs and benefits in favour of the EU, at least in the short and medium term. Due to structural rigidities and lack of competitive commodities (and services) in the EaP region, reciprocal opening of the markets would favour EU exports and most probably exacerbate trade deficit problems. Third, the EaP has never offered a viable economic alternative to the dependence of the member countries on Russia. Reorientation of exports from the Russian to the EU markets is blocked by the (uncompetitive) production pattern focusing on the Russian market, strong business interests or networks, historical ties, geographic location and sometimes temporary or lasting advantages provided by Russia. Even more importantly, the EU is unable to replace (or even lessen) the energy dependence of the EaP countries on Russian energy. In addition, for some EaP countries remittances of workers employed in Russia play a relevant role in foreign exchange revenues. Fourth, the new Russian (economic) policy based on the creation of the Eurasian Customs Union (ECU) proved to be much more attractive to some EaP countries. Belarus became full member of the ECU, while Armenia is likely to join the Russia-led economic union soon. Also, countries more in favour of the EU, such as Georgia or Moldova cannot ignore the potential economic benefits of the Russian project as compared to the economic advantages offered by the EU. Fifth, the only evident advantage of the EaP can be identified in building democratic institutions and societies. However, even in countries where the political leadership is committed to democratic values, most people are hard to be convinced that longer term political benefits are more important than immediate economic gains (or the avoidance of immediate economic losses). Moreover, it is unlikely that democracy-building can remain a sustainable project under conditions of economic hardship.

While it is evident that after the failure of the EaP project a new approach has to be developed and implemented. Still, it is by far not clear whether any such “reedited package” would be able to compensate the Russian offer, make the respective economies more competitive and reduce the critical dependence (both energy and selected influential industrial sectors) on Russia. Any EU-led approach that could count on some success, should contain the following elements: dramatically increased financial support for economic transformation and modernization, immediate and asymmetric market opening for EaP products, including agricultural goods, as well as the urgent starting of comprehensive programs of building a strong civil society.

Beyond the general framework, several special, country-focused treatments can be considered. On the one hand, EU-friendly countries, such as Moldova and Georgia need a special approach. Moldova should be offered the promise of membership in the EU. In fact, the country belonged to the Stability Pact group formed by the Western Balkan countries following the Balkan wars, but, unlike these countries, had been excluded from the Thessaloniki membership offer in 2003. Support to Georgia requires a coordinated strategy between the EU and the USA. On the other hand, a reopening of relations with Belarus is recommended, taking into account the serious impact of the Ukrainian crisis both on the Belarusian economy (being the Ukraine the second largest export market and a substantial trade surplus-generating country) and on the Belarusian society and politics in order to prevent a further increasing unilateral Russian influence. Yet, the future of Ukraine remains the key factor, both in the geopolitical, political and economic context.

Publications Institute of International Relations Prague (IIR), Spring 2014

EuropeanizationOfEnvironmentalPolicy_BraunMats Braun, The Europeanization of Environmental Policy in the New Europe – Beyond Conditionality, Ashgate Publishing, April 2014
Prior to the European Union (EU) 2004/2007 enlargement there were several predictions that this event would hamper progressive decision-making within the EU on environmental policy. It was believed that the new member states had adopted EU rules as a consequence of the EU’s conditionality and consequently they would rather slow down the reform speed in the field after accession.
In this book, Mats Braun offers an up-to-date account of how post-communist member states have handled policy initiatives in the field of environmental policy after accession. Using detailed case studies of how Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Poland and Romania dealt with two different EU policy initiatives – REACH and the Climate-Energy Package – he explores whether social norms and the process of socialization can help us understand why the track record of the new member states in the area of environmental policy is more varied than was originally envisaged prior to the enlargement.
The book will be presented to the public in the Institute of International Relations on 23 April 2014.
Vít Beneš, Mats Braun, contribution to the publication Differentiated Integration in the EU – From the Inside Looking Out, CEPS, 28 January 2014

Differentiated Integration in the EUVít Beneš and Mats Braun contributed to the new CEPS publication on the external dimension of the multi-speed, multi-tier European Union. The publisher, the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS), is among the most experienced and authoritative think tanks operating in the European Union today. The authors include (apart from Mr. Beneš and Mr. Braun) Steven Blockmans, Richard Corbett, Elaine Fahey, Ester Herlin-Karnell, Theodore Konstadinides, Adam Łazowski, Claudio Matera, Juan Santos Vara and Csaba Törő.

Seventeen new reports on European Union by the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), February-April 2014

1. Ayhan Kaya and Raffaele Marchetti, Europeanization, Framing Competition and Civil Society in the EU and Turkey, (Global Turkey in Europe. GTE working paper ; 6) 10 February 2014, 21 p. This paper examines the relationship between the European Union and Turkey with a particular focus on the Europeanization of Turkish civil society. Read further.

2. Anna Triandafyllidou, Euro-Turks, Commentary, (Global Turkey in Europe. GTE commentary ; 10) 13 February 2014, 2 p. The term Euro-Turks has been coined to refer to the Turkish immigrants in Europe, mainly in Germany but not only, and their offspring. Read further.

3. Erkan Erdogdu, Turkey’s Energy Strategy and its Role in the EU’s Southern Gas Corridor, (IAI Working Papers ; 1401) 17 February 2014, 15 p. Document prepared for the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) in the context of the IAI-Istanbul Policy Center-Mercator Foundation project “Turkey, Europe and the World”, January 2014. Read further.

4. Philippe Fargues, Europe Must Take on its Share of the Syrian Refugee Burden, But How?, (Op-Med: Opinions on the Mediterranean) 26 February 2014, 4 p. While peace talks between Syria’s government and opposition bump along in Geneva, battles rage on the ground and the death toll and the refugee wave both rise. Read further.

5. Nona Mikhelidze, Second Revolution on Euromaidan: What Next for Ukraine?, (IAI Working Papers ; 14|03) 25 February 2014, 7 p. The rapid succession of events in Ukraine is impressive but the story is far from over: the state faces an economic crisis and the risk of default; pro-Russian separatism in Crimea threatens the territorial integrity of the country. Read further.

6. Cinzia Bianco, EU-GCC Cooperation in an Era of Socio-Economic Challenges, (Sharaka Research Papers ; 8) 28 February 2014, 22 p. This paper aims at exploring how the European Union (EU) could contribute to tackling the socio-economic challenges facing the countries of the Gulf. Read further.

7. Fatma Al Araimi and Cinzia Bianco, The Role of Mass Media in Building Perceptions of EU-GCC Relations and Related Impacts, (Sharaka Research Papers ; 9) March 2014, 20 p. This paper addresses the way the GCC region is presented in the EU media and vice versa, in a time in which perceptions and misperceptions could influence negatively the consistent flows of international investments. Read further.

8. Gerald Knaus, EU-Turkey Relations: A Visa Breakthrough? (Global Turkey in Europe. GTE policy brief ; 11) 18 March 2014, 7 p. In June 2012 the European Council authorized the European Commission to begin talks with Turkey on visa liberalisation. Read further.

9. Ayla Gürel and Fiona Mullen, Can Eastern Mediterranean Gas Discoveries Have a Positive Impact on Turkey-EU Relations?, (Global Turkey in Europe. GTE policy brief ; 12), 18 March 2014, 8 p. Any significant improvement in Turkey-EU relations depends on a solution to the Cyprus problem. Read further.

10. Eduard Soler i Lecha, Crises and Elections: What are the Consequences for Turkey’s EU Bid?, (Global Turkey in Europe. GTE policy brief ; 13) 21 March 2014, 5 p. The economic crisis in Europe and the political tension in Turkey are bad news for Turkey-EU relations. Read further.

11. Daniel Gros and Alessandro Giovannini, The “Relative” Importance of EMU Macroeconomic Imbalances in the Macroeconomic Imbalance Procedure, (Documenti IAI ; 1402) 25 March 2014, 6 p. The European Commission has recently published results of its “in-depth review” in the context of the so-called Macroeconomic Imbalances Procedure (MIP). Read further.

12. Gönül Tol, Untangling the Turkey-KRG Energy Partnership: Looking Beyond Economic Drivers, (Global Turkey in Europe. GTE policy brief ; 14) 26 March 2014, 6 p. For decades, Turkey viewed Iraq primarily through the lens of its own Kurdish problem. Read further.

13. Loukas Tsoukalis, Exit strategy dallo stato confusionale europeo, (Documenti IAI ; 14|03) 30 March 2014, 5 p. Italian version of the “Executive Summary” of the volume by Loukas Tsoukalis, The Unhappy State of the Union. Europe Needs a New Grand Bargain, London, Policy Network, 2014, p. 12-13. Translated by Leonardo Tiengo for AffarInternazionali, 30 March 2014. Read further.

14. Ahmet Içduygu, Turkey’s Migration Transition and its Implications for the Euro-Turkish Transnational Space, (Global Turkey in Europe. GTE worlinh paper ; 7) 8 April 2014, 13 p. One area of the Euro-Turkish migration regime that has been overlooked is the migration transition of Turkey, as it rapidly develops from a net emigration setting to a net immigration setting. Read further.

15. Edited by Senem Aydin-Düzgit et al., Global Turkey in Europe II. Energy, Migration, Civil Society and Citizenship Issues in Turkey-EU Relations. Roma, Nuova Cultura, April 2014, 246 p. (IAI Research Papers ; 13), ISBN 978-88-6812-282-9. The EU, Turkey, and their common neighborhood are changing rapidly and deeply, exposing the European-Turkish relationship to new challenges and opportunities in diverse policy areas such as energy, migration, citizenship and civil society. Read Further.

16. Di Eleonora Poli e Lorenzo Vai, a cura di Nicoletta Pirozzi, Quanto conta il Parlamento europeo per l’Italia? Un’analisi del dibattito parlamentare e pubblico tra il 2009 e il 2014, (Documenti IAI ; 14|04) 1 April 2014, 72 p. The study aims at investigating the extent to which the European Parliament might have influenced Italian institutional, political and public opinions. Read further.

17. A cura di Gianni Bonvicini, Il Parlamento europeo per la nuova Unione, Roma, Nuova Cultura, aprile 2014, 139 p. (Quaderni IAI ; 9), ISBN 978-88-6812-280-5. The setting of the coming European Parliament elections is going to be quite different from preceding ones. Read further.


Publications Institute of World Economics, Hungary, Spring 2014

Ágnes Szunomár, China’s relations with the developing world: a new type of colonialism or a fruitful cooperation. In: Agnieszka McCaleb (ed.): China’s Changing Competitiveness: Shaking up or Waking up the European Union? Warsaw: Warsaw School of Economics Press, 2013. p. 95-119

Miklós Somai, New CAP reform: changes and prospects under the new MFF deal 2014-2020. In: WIIW Monthly Report, 2014, pp. 12-15

Annamária Artner, Youth Unemployment and NEETs – Reasons and Treatment in Europe with Special Regard to Hungary. In: Hishow, Ognian (ed.): Labour Market Trends in Bulgaria and the CEE Region – Overview and Perspectives. 2014 Economic Policy Institute, Sofia, pp. 119-159

Tamás Szigetvári (ed.), Developing Trade and Trade Policy Relations with the European Union – Experience of Visegrad Countries and Implications/Lessons for Eastern Partners. Institute of World Economics (CERS, HAS), East European Studies No. 5.  Authors from IWE: Zsuzsa Ludvig, Sándor Meisel, Tamás Szigetvári
The full edition can be downloaded here.

Tamás Szigetvári, EU-Turkey Relations: Changing Approaches. In: Romanian Journal of European Affairs, Vol. 14, No. 1, March 2014, pp. 34-48

Magdolna Sass, Andrea Szalavetz, Crisis-related changes in the specialization of advanced economies in global value chains. In: Competition and Change Vol. 18. No. 1. 2014. pp. 54-69

András Inotai, Prognosis for the EU’s development and transformation and Hungary and the European Union. In: Kolomiyets, Oleksij (ed.)Ocinka ta perspektivi transformacii ES: Strategichni prioriteri dlja centralnoshidnoi Evropi ta Ukraini. Centre Evropeiskih ta Transatlanitchnih Studij – Slovak Agency for Internaitonal Development Cooperation, Kiev, 2013. pp. 56-62. (in Ukrainian and in English)


Publications Sciences Po Paris February-April 2014


Pierre Lascoumes with Laure Bonnaud, Jean-Pierre Le Bourhis and Emmanuel Martinais, Le Le développement durable.développement durable. Une nouvelle affaire d’ État, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, April 2014

Dictionnaire des politiques publiquesLaurie Boussaguet, Sophie Jacquot & Pauline Ravinet, Dictionnaire des politiques publiques. 4th edition, Paris, Les Presses de Sciences Po, 2014

Didier Demazière and Patrick Le Lidec, Les mondes du travail politique. Les élus et leurs entourages, Rennes, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, April 2014

Articles in peer review

Bruno Cousin and Tommaso Vitale, Le magistère intellectuel islamophobe d’Oriana Fallaci. Origines et modalités du succès italien de la ‘Trilogie sur l’Islam et sur l’Occident’ (2001-2006), Sociologie, February 2014, vol 6, n° 1, p. 61-79.

Gary Bridge, Tim Butler and Patrick Le Galès, Negotiation and power relations between social groups in global cities: beyond gentrification?, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 2014.

Lisa Kastner, Much Ado about Nothing?’ Transnational Civil Society, Consumer Protection and Financial Regulatory Reform, Review of International Political Economy, January 2014.

Emiliano Grossman, Cornelia Woll, Saving the Banks: The Political Economy of Bailouts, Comparative Political Studies, March 2014, vol 47, n° 4, p. 574-600.

Sophie Jacquot, Tommaso Vitale, Law as Weapon of the Weak? A Comparative Analysis of Legal Mobilization by Roma and Women’s Groups at the European Level, Journal of European Public Policy, March 2014, vol 21, n° 4, p. 587-604.

Nonna Mayer, Bring the Poor Back in! Inequalities, Welfare and Politics, European Political Science, March 2014.


Bruno Palier, La stratégie d’investissement social, Paris, Conseil Economique Social et Environnemental, 2014. 72 p.

In French : L’investissement social vise à faire face aux évolutions des risques sociaux, à mieux préparer et accompagner les individus tout au long de leur parcours de vie afin d’avoir moins à réparer si le risque survient. S’appuyer sur cette nouvelle orientation permettrait, dans le cadre des réformes de la protection sociale, de compléter les objectifs et les instruments de notre système sur plusieurs points : accueil de la petite enfance, conciliation vie professionnelle/vie familiale, investissement dans la jeunesse, valorisation de la prévention et optimisation du parcours de soins. L’enjeu est d’instaurer un cercle vertueux, permettant de limiter les dépenses sociales et d’accroître les ressources en favorisant le travail de tous dans les meilleures conditions.

Nonna Mayer, Guy Michelat, Vincent Tiberj, Tommaso Vitale, Le regard des chercheurs sur les phénomènes de racisme in La Lutte contre le racisme, l’antisémistime et la xénophobie, rapport de la CNCDH, année 2013 (2ème partie du rapport), Paris, La Documentation Française, 2014, pp. 157-215.

Press/Medias: All press review on

All the publications of the CEE team are available here.

Publications Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA), Spring 2014

UntitledFIIA Briefing Paper

Teija Tiilikainen, Who leads the new EMU? Implications of the Economic Crisis for the EU’s Institutions

Reforms made to the EU’s economic and fiscal policies have served to reinforce the fragmentation of the division of competences between the EU and its member states in this field. It has also impacted the way in which these competences are exerted by the European and national institutions.

Resulting from a differentiation of responsibilities between the eurozone countries and the rest of the EU, fragmentation is increasingly taking place even inside the EU institutions. The current fragmentation of competences and institutions complicates the democratic scrutiny of economic and fiscal policies.

The biggest challenge is to accommodate the differentiated responsibilities of the Eurozone countries and the rest of the EU within the framework of existing institutions in a way that would ensure the unity of this framework, but also the proper democratic anchoring of the EU’s economic and fiscal powers.

FIIA Comment

Jyrki Kallio, Yet another ‘historic’ meeting between Mainland China and Taiwan:
The two sides are talking on a governmental level but there is no cause for celebration

The recent meeting between ministers from Mainland China and Taiwan has been widely hailed as historic. Such an evaluation is premature at best. In reality, the road towards a true reconciliation between the parties to the Chinese civil war is as long as ever.

Working Paper

Mika Aaltola, Drama Power on the Rise? US soft power may increase as a function of Washington dysfunction

Models of soft power have failed to take fully into account the changes in and appeal of contemporary forms of globally disseminated popular culture.

Paradoxically, the recent episodes in the Washington drama may captivate and ‘entertain’ global audiences because of the changing expectations cultivated by the wide dissemination of American media forms.
The modes of popular culture in the US and globally are transforming, greatly influenced by developments in the American media and film industry. This has led to the emergence of new types of drama formats, such as reality TV, and a new type of fame and celebrity-based status, which have not been considered in the models of soft power.

Cyberspace and social media reinforce these new tendencies. In addition to changing the way authenticity and authority are understood, the new ‘viral’ form of information sharing is strengthening the need for political drama.

Celebrity culture – the notion of famous for being famous – blends with political crises, rendering the rise and fall of political parties and figures attractive and entertaining. It is suggested that the US as a state enjoys such a fame-based status.

In effect, US politics has drama power that mitigates the negative effects of controversy, polarization, and paralysis in Washington.

FIIA Comment

Arkady Moshes, The crisis in Ukraine is not over: Any euphoria or triumphalism would be inappropriate

History is offering Ukraine another chance to build a better future. However, what has happened is no more than a promise. The situation in and around Ukraine is still dramatic, and the country is facing numerous challenges, each of which can prevent the dreams of a functioning state and a thriving economy from becoming a reality.

The West should not allow itself any feeling of euphoria or, even worse, celebrate a geopolitical victory. The stability is still fragile, and the result was achieved not by Western strategists but by Ukraine’s citizens. In addition, the West should be very cautious about financial assistance.

Briefing Paper

Antto Vihma & Harro van Asselt, The Conflict over Aviation Emissions: A Case of Retreating EU Leadership?

Notwithstanding the incremental steps taken in October 2013, meaningful action on regulating international aviation emissions through the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) remains a distant prospect. The European Union (EU) must decide on its aviation Directive without the guarantee of a global market-based mechanism being agreed in 2016.

The strong and uncompromising positions of countries opposed to the inclusion of foreign airlines in the EU’s emissions trading system (ETS) are more related to a realist game of politics rather than to the design details of the policy instrument.

The political and legal arguments against the European Commission’s proposal to amend the EU ETS vis-à-vis aviation emissions are unconvincing.

Europe should also insist on its own sovereign rights – such as the right to regulate international aviation in its own airspace – and consider ways of manifesting more assertiveness in the future in order not to create a precedent with the retreat in the Aviation Directive case.

Otherwise, the EU may become vulnerable to pressure in other areas of regulation with extraterritorial implications, and the EU’s credibility when faced with strong and coordinated external influences might be undermined.

Briefing Paper

Karl Lallerstedt & Mikael Wigell, Illicit trade flows: how to deal with the neglected economic and security threat

Illicit trade flows generate massive costs for the EU, yet the countermeasures have been inadequate. A shortage of data, the tendency to look at different forms of illicit trade as separate phenomena, and the complexity of the problem have led to an under-prioritisation of illicit trade among policymakers.

Globally, the illicit trade in products that replace those that are generally licit (such as counterfeit goods and contraband excise goods) represents the biggest monetary turnover and hurts government and corporate revenues directly. Still, it is particularly under-prioritised.

Synergistic effects for smuggling different items relate to the fact that there are over one thousand international poly-crime groups operating in the EU, the same smuggling routes can be used for different commodities, and the same corrupt officials or purveyors of false documentation can deliver their services to multiple “operators”.

Illicit trade also makes the EU more vulnerable to terrorist attacks. It finances terrorist organisations, and well-established smuggling routes make the borders more porous.

To address the problem, better data need to be generated showing its extent and impact. Taking a holistic view of the various aspects of illicit trade is important to facilitate coordination among the relevant authorities. The costs of this work represent investments which – beyond enhancing security – will generate income by boosting tax revenues, reducing crime, creating jobs and driving economic growth.

FIIA Comment

Niklas Helwig, Is Germany ready to take a firm stand on Russia? Berlin is still in search of its foreign policy compass

Berlin-Moscow relations cooled over the Crimea crisis and caused Germany to break with its traditional Ostpolitik. Yet, it remains to be seen whether Germany implements its announced ‘culture of engagement’ by adopting economic sanctions.

FIIA Comment

Jyrki Kallio, Ukrainan kysymyksessä Kiinan kieli on keskellä suuta: Venäjä ei saa tukea idästä mutta lännen heikkous on Kiinankin etu

Kiinan presidentin Euroopan-vierailulla Ukrainan tilanne vienee päähuomion. Kiina voi läksyttää länttä Ukrainan saattamisesta sekasortoon mutta tuskin ryhtyy puolustamaan Venäjän toimia Krimillä. Kiina ei katso hyvällä kehitystä, joka horjuttaa kansainvälisen talouden ennustettavuutta.

FIIA Comment

Harri Mikkola, The Return of Realpolitik? The deepening crisis in Ukraine may spill over to the Arctic

The Arctic is not shielded from global dynamics in general and political crises in particular. The crisis in Ukraine may potentially have profound direct and indirect impacts on Arctic cooperation and development. For example, the crisis may affect Arctic political cooperation in the context of the Arctic Council, which Finland will chair in 2017-2019. However, it may very well be that the economic logic will prevail over the worsening relationship between Russia and the West in the region. In any case, it must be understood that the Arctic is one political theatre among others where the contemporary great game among major powers is played out.

Briefing Paper

Katja Creutz, The ICC under Political Pressure: Towards Lowered Expectations of Global Justice

In 2010, the International Criminal Court (ICC) launched investigations into the 2007–2008 post-election violence in Kenya, in which some 1,200 people were killed and several hundred thousand displaced. The ICC is breaking new ground with the Kenyan cases; for the first time sitting heads of state are facing charges before the Court.

Kenya’s response to the proceedings has involved a number of political and judicial measures. It has obstructed the work of the Court; it has sought deferral of the cases by the Security Council; and it has threatened the ICC with mass withdrawals.

Kenya’s objection to the trials has gained regional support and renewed strength for the claim that the Court has an anti-African bias. Its claims that the Court should not prosecute state leaders because of concerns over regional peace and security have been met with understanding. The Security Council has, however, refused to suspend the trials.

The political attack against the ICC will have broader implications for the Court. The Court will need to reconsider how it protects witnesses, safeguards evidence, and selects cases for prosecution. It may even have to retreat from the principle of prosecuting sitting heads of state.

The expectations placed upon the ICC as an institution of global justice have been unrealistic. The current international political climate will not further this goal. Major powers remain outside the Court and the current Ukrainian crisis will make it hard to agree upon Security Council referrals.

Publications Latvian Institute of International Affairs (LIIA), Spring 2014

Andris Sprūds and Toms Rostoks, eds., Perceptions and Strategies of Arcticness in sub-Arctic Europe, Riga: Latvian Institute of International Affairs, 2014.

The notion of the Arcticness is on the rise and increasingly influences strategic considerations of global and regional actors. During the last few decades the interests of many international actors in the Arctic region have significantly increased. In the last decades Arctic countries have been active politically and institutionally. However, not only the Arctic countries are interested in the region. This research project intends to examine the developing perceptions and strategies of the Arcticness among the number of sub-Arctic countries as well as the EU role and stance in the Arctic region.

Kārlis Bukovskis, ed., The Politics of Economic Sustainability: Baltic and Visegrad Responses to the European Economic Crisis, Riga: Latvian Institute of International Affairs, 2014.

This collection of articles attempts to explain the political economy of the long and winding road of the Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) and the four Visegrad countries (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) in facing economic and financial problems domestically and/or on the European level. The book includes contributions from all the abovementioned countries. The authors offer their ideas, explanations and projections on the future development of their respective countries based upon the lessons learned from the crisis. The book chronicles the economic environments and challenges and compares the political and social results of diverse macroeconomic choices that have been made in these seven European Union member states.
Authors: Aldis Austers, Karlis Bukovskis, Juraj Draxler, Brian Fabo, Vytautas Kuokštis, Michal Mudroň, Vitalis Nakrošis, Ryszard Petru, Zoltán Pogátsa, Michal Rot, Viljar Veebel, Ramūnas Vilpišauskas.

Aldis Austers, How Great is Latvia’s Success Story? The Economic, Social and Political Consequences of the Recent Financial Crisis in Latvia, Riga: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung; the Latvian Institute of International Affairs, 2014.

Aldis Austers describes Latvia as a „a country of extreme contrasts. Twenty-two years of independence have brought periods of both high growth and deep slumps.” The aim of this paper is to look at the economic, social and political consequences of the recent financial crisis and the ensuing economic collapse in Latvia in 2008-2010, whether the crisis’s resolution has helped to create a basis for a sustainable economic growth, social cohesion, and political consolidation in Latvia.


Publications Jean Monnet Chair Professor Wessels, University of Cologne, April 2014

Gattermann, Katjana, Hefftler, Claudia, Political Motivation and Institutional Capacity: Assessing National Parliaments´ Incentives to Participate in the Early Warning Mechanism. OPAL Online Paper No. 15/2013.

Höing, Oliver, Katrin Auel, Scrutiny in Challenging Times: National parliaments during the Eurozone Crisis, SIEPS Policy Brief, 2014.

Werner Weidenfeld, Wolfgang Wessels (eds), Jahrbuch der Europäischen Integration 2013, Nomos Verlag, Baden-Baden 2013.

Werner Weidenfeld, Wolfgang Wessels (eds), Europa von A bis Z – Taschenbuch der europäischen Integration, 13th edition, Nomos Verlag, Baden-Baden 2014.

Wolfgang Wessels, Revisiting the Monnet Method – A contribution to the periodisation of the European Union’s history, in: Bachem-Rehm, Michaela/Hiepel, Claudia/Türk, Henning (eds): Teilung überwinden. Europäische und Internationale Geschichte im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Festschrift für Wilfried Loth, München 2014, pp. 49-59.

The Italian Presidency of the European Union: an opportunity to review EU relations with Russia and EaP countries, Marco Siddi, IEP Berlin

IEP_Bildschirm_2000x400pxFrom 1 July to 31 December 2014 Italy will hold the rotating presidency of the European Union. Due to recent events in Ukraine, relations with Russia and with Eastern Partnership countries will most likely be at the top of the EU foreign policy agenda during the Italian presidency semester. Although the Treaty of Lisbon has limited the prerogatives of the rotating presidency in foreign policy, Italy can coordinate with the EU High Representative and use its special relationship with Russia in order to negotiate the stabilisation of Ukraine and revise the broader EU approach towards the Eastern neighbourhood.

The paper can be download here.


“Sanctions under the EU Generalised System of Preferences and foreign policy: coherence by accident?”, Contemporary Politics, 2014

This article investigates the relationship between the European Union’s withdrawal of trade benefits for developing countries under the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) and its sanctions under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Authors’ expectation is that GSP withdrawals and CFSP sanctions will not cohere. However, their research reveals that GSP suspension has been coherent with CFSP sanctions when the latter exist prior to the decision-making process on GSP sanctions and when the International Labour Organisation has set up a Commission of Inquiry condemning the country, as with Myanmar/Burma and Belarus. The presence of separate institutional frameworks explains the GSP suspension towards Sri Lanka in the absence of CFSP sanctions. You can read the whole article here.

Published by Clara Portela (School of Social Sciences, Singapore Management University, Singapore) and Jan Orbie (Centre for EU Studies, Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium).

“From Subsidiarity to Better EU Governance: A Practical Reform Agenda for the EU”, Clingendael/CEPS Report, March 2014

Report ClingendaelSteven Blockmans, Judith Hoevenaars, Adriaan Schout and Jan Marinus Wiersma, From Subsidiarity to Better EU Governance: A Practical Reform Agenda for the EU, Clingendael/CEPS Report, March 2014.

The Clingendael Institute and CEPS published the joint report ‘From Subsidiarity to Better EU Governance: A Practical Reform Agenda for the EU’, which explores the feasibility and relevance of some of the ideas for better EU governance in day-to-day decision-making. The findings are largely based on a one day seminar attended by more than 70 officials and experts from the EU member states and the European institutions on 23 January 2014 in The Hague. One of the main conclusions is that there is a broadly felt need for EU reform among the member states and European institutions. A wide-ranging list of practical solutions for improvement have been suggested. Any practical reform agenda for the EU must preclude treaty change, repatriation of competences and undermining the Community method. The emphasis of the member states and European institutions is on a better use of existing instruments, for example the yellow card procedure and the Commission’s impact assessments. The current political momentum – with various initiatives from other member states, European elections in May 2014 and the appointment of a new European Commission in the fall –could and should be used for (Council) intensified discussions about a reform agenda for the EU.

You can download the report in pdf format here.

Publications oiip, January and February 2014

oiip logooiip Policy Papers
Heinz Gärtner, Neutrality for Ukraine according to the Austrian Model, Policy Paper 1/14

oiip Working Papers
Lisa Sigl und Nina Witjes, Zukunftsräume der internationalen FTI-Kooperation January 2014, Working Paper

Philipp Mirtl, Alexander Klimburg and Snezana Gjorgieva, Mapping the Internet Terrain, February 2014, Working Paper

Jan Pospisil und Stefan Khittel, Friedensprozesse in gewaltsamen Mehrparteienkonflikten: Eine vergleichende Studie der Friedensverhandlungen in Kolumbien und den Philippinen, February 2014, Working paper

“What has been agreed on Banking Union risks reigniting, rather than resolving, the crisis” TEPSA provocative column by Iain Begg

12186892593_0451158400_zAmong the many economic governance initiatives undertaken over the last few years, those intended to achieve deeper financial integration have been widely regarded as crucial and urgent. The financial crisis and the subsequent sovereign debt crisis had revealed a number of flaws in the governance of the euro, and the EU’s leaders have since tried hard to put in place a new framework for economic policy-making which deals with these flaws. However, progress has been slow and has exposed deep differences among the Member States.

After some very tough negotiations, the EU came to an agreement just before Christmas 2013 on the second stage of what has come to be known as banking union.  A single resolution mechanism (SRM) for dealing with failing banks will now be added to the single supervisory mechanism (SSM) which completed its legislative journey in October. A third element originally envisaged for banking union, common deposit insurance, continues to divide EU Member States and has made no tangible progress.

According to Michel Barnier, the Commissioner responsible for financial services, the December deal was ‘a momentous day for banking union. A memorable day for Europe’s financial sector’. But is it and will it prove to be enduring?

Picture: ©

Read more.

Publications from FIIA

FinlandFIIA Report

Juha Jokela (ed.) Multi-speed Europe? Differentiated integration in the external relations of the European Union

Differentiated integration is not a new phenomenon in European integration. It has taken various forms over a wide range of policy areas in the past. Importantly, differentiated integration is not merely an internal question for the EU as the Union’s organization and internal dynamics also shape its external actorness. Consequently, various forms of differentiation are present in the EU’s external relations and policies.

The objective of this report is to take a closer look at differentiated integration in the EU’s external relations and, in so doing, to discuss its implications for the EU’s aspirations to forge more unitary and effective external policies. To this end, the contributors to this report will examine the different features of differentiated integration that currently exist in various fields of the EU’s external relations. Relat­edly, they will analyze whether the level of differentiation is increas­ing and, if so, what the key drivers of the current trends are.

Thus far there is rather limited evidence that the level of differentiation is increasing in the EU’s external relations due to the ongoing developments related to the EU’s financial and economic crisis. Depending on the level and duration of differentiation embedded in the current reforms of the EMU, some consequences might occur in due course.

FIIA Working Paper

Ari Kerkkänen: The Failure of the Security Paradigm in Syria: The human security perspective

Few would dispute the assertion that human security has failed in Syria. Authoritarian regimes in the Arab world have had well-documented deficits in human security emerging from coercive internal politics, a lack of respect for human rights such as freedom of expression, and limited freedom from fear and want.

The concept of human security has developed mainly within the domain of UN development policy, but it has also made headway in security policy, being advocated as one approach in international crisis management and peacekeeping. Less attention has been paid to its adaptability in forming the basis for the internal security policy of any given state.

The main argument of this paper is that human security principles can be the cornerstones of state security, potentially preventing, mitigating, and remedying security issues within a state that could lead to societal upheaval.

The argument is presented by outlining some major developments in the history of modern Syria up to its present state of civil war. The paper shows that the security paradigm exercised in Syria has led to a double failure in which human insecurity has resulted in turmoil for ordinary people and has shattered the authoritarian governance. The paper suggests that the rebuilding of security sectors must be based on the principles of human security, not only in Syria but also in the Arab world at large.

FIIA Briefing Paper

FIIABart Gaens, Japan’s New Security Policy: Breaking Away from the Post-War Regime?

China is challenging the regional balance of power in East Asia through a military buildup and an increasingly assertive foreign policy. The US is forced to find the right balance between cooperating with China while benefiting from its economic rise, and countering China’s regional reach by carrying out its self-declared “pivot” to Asia in spite of domestic and budgetary constraints.

With just over one year in office, Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzō Abe has received wide domestic support for his ambitious plans to revive Japan’s economy through his threefold policy of Abenomics. At the same time, however, he has implemented a number of significant policies in the defence and security sphere.

In response to China’s military rise, the Abe administration increased and recalibrated the defence budget. Furthermore, in order to reinforce the alliance with the US, the government approved the creation of a US-style National Security Council, passed a Secrecy Bill, and aims to reverse Japan’s self-imposed ban on exercising the right to collective self-defence.

Under the banner of “proactive pacifism”, the Abe cabinet is seizing the momentum caused by the changing regional power dynamics in order to edge closer towards “breaking away from the postwar regime”. A proposed revision of Japan’s constitution, unchanged since 1947, symbolizes the ruling Liberal Democratic Party’s (LDP) objective to bring about a more autonomous role for Japan both in the security alliance with the US and as an international actor.

FIIA Comment

Katja Creutz, Hard Work Needed in South Sudan: Formal Statehood Cannot Work Miracles

Turmoil in the newest state in the world shows that much work still needs to be done in South Sudan after formal independence. The international community must continue its efforts to help the South Sudanese people to restore and maintain peace in order to build a viable state.

EP Study on European Economic Governance and Cohesion Policy

EP studyTEPSA Board Member Iain Begg has written a study for the European Parliament’s committee on Regional Development on economic governance and EU cohesion policy. The study was co-authored by LSE colleague Corrado Macchiarelli and John Bachtler, Carlos Mendez and Fiona Wishlade from the European Policies Research Centre of the University of Strathclyde.

The study analyses the interactions between the wide-ranging economic governance reforms undertaken since 2008 and Cohesion Policy. It details the main changes and analyses how the aims of Cohesion Policy are likely to be affected. It also highlights the challenges of assuring legitimacy and of suitable formulation of Cohesion Policy as especially salient issues for the European Parliament, not least because of the expanded roles in economic governance of the European Commission and the European Central Bank.

The study is available for download here.

Publications from the Real Instituto ELCANO

ElcanoHaizam Amirah-Fernández, The futures of Egypt: the good, the bad and the ugly, ARI 5/2014 – 4/2/2014. Egypt has undergone a frantic succession of political and social changes since January 2011. Today it is possible to envisage three different ‘futures’ for Egypt, described here as the good, the bad and the ugly.

Carmen González Enríquez, The price of Spanish and European citizenship, ARI 4/2014 – 3/2/2014. The rules on accessing nationality are very different from one EU member state to another. Spain offers the fastest route for most of its immigrants from non-EU countries.

Fernando Reinares and Carola García-Calvo, The Spanish Foreign Fighter Contingent in Syria, 31/1/2014. Since the start of the conflict in Syria, foreign fighters from various European countries have joined the war against the Bashar al-Assad regime. Spain has not been immune to this mobilization.

Haizam Amirah-Fernández, Egypt: three years of mirages, Expert Comment 6/2014 – 28/1/2014. The upheavals in Egypt have not come to an end and neither have the foundations been laid for settling a convulsive and erratic transition. Three years have passed since the events that Egyptians still refer to as the ‘25th of January revolution ’ toppled Hosni Mubarak and aroused enormous interest worldwide. During that time, the country has been subject to constant disturbances that have fuelled uncertainty and social polarisation, while the serious social and economic problems that caused the riots have become even more entrenched.

Félix Arteaga (coord.) Elcano Royal Institute, The coming Defence: criteria for the restructuring of Defence in Spain, Elcano Policy Paper 3/2013 (Translated from Spanish) – 14/1/2014. Spain’s Defence cannot avoid the structural trends and changes in the geopolitical context. The Elcano Royal Institute believes that Spain should reconsider the structural elements of its current defence model and proposes the following criteria for defence restructuring in Spain.

William Chislett, Turkey’s corruption probe crisis: a blow to the rule of law, Expert Comment 1/2014 – 13/1/2014. Just as it seemed that Turkey was finally back on its long and winding road to full EU membership, the Islamist-rooted government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has become engulfed in a corruption scandal whose probing he is doing his best to undermine by enforcing a massive purge of hundreds of police officers investigating it and reassigning prosecutors.

Carlos Macías, Are the new rules of play between States and Multinationals in Latin America beneficial? An analysis of the impact of extractive multinationals in Bolivia, WP 18/2013 – 27/12/2013. This paper provides a step forward in the ongoing analytical assessment of the presence of foreign investment companies and investment projects in Bolivia, and toward that purpose it applies the Elcano Royal Institute’s Foreign Direct Investment (FDI-D) analytical framework.

Aitor Pérez, Foreign investment, but with local content: development strategies in Brazil, WP 17/2013 – 23/12/2013. This Working Paper is the result of a case study conducted in Brazil which analysed the impact on development of certain foreign investments in the oil, electricity distribution, automotive, and tourism sectors. The study uses the Elcano Royal Institute’s Foreign Direct Investment’s (FDI-D) analytical framework to explain the rationale underlying the Brazilian government’s local-content policy.

Elcano blogELCANO BLOG

Elcano Royal Institute, NATO-EU: Approaches to Mediterranean Security, Elcano blog, 7 January 2014.

Iliana Olivié and Manuel Gracia, #IEPG. Measuring the global presence of countries (12): Canada, Elcano blog, 31 December 2013.

Iliana Olivié and Manuel Gracia, #IEPG. Measuring the global presence of countries (11): Italy, Elcano blog, 28 December 2013.

Iliana Olivié and Manuel Gracia, #IEPG. Measuring the global presence of countries (10): European Union, Elcano blog, 20 December 2013.

Publications from Sciences Po, CEE

Logo CEE CNRSAll the publications of the CEE team are available here.


Faire parler le parlementde Galembert, Claire, Rozenberg, Olivier, Vigour, Cécile, (dir.), Faire parler le Parlement. Méthodes et enjeux de l’analyse des débats parlementaires pour les sciences sociales. Paris : Librairie générale de droit et de jurisprudence (LGDJ), 2014. 378 p. (Droit et société – Maison des sciences de l’homme. Recherche et travaux ; 27).

Abstract (In French) : Les assemblées parlementaires sont des lieux où l’on se réunit pour débattre et décider. Dans l’hémicycle, les élus se parlent tout en s’adressant aux sténographes, aux journalistes et au-delà aux électeurs. Dans le tumulte des questions d’actualité ou l’indifférence d’une séance de nuit clairsemée, ils s’expriment pour légiférer, questionner, se justifier, se distinguer, s’attaquer, mais aussi parfois pour ne rien dire. Les débats en séance constituent des objets uniques de compréhension du fonctionnement du gouvernement représentatif. Les étudier, c’est prendre au sérieux cette parole parlementaire en questionnant sa faculté à instituer l’ordre parlementaire, à présenter une discussion pluraliste, à exprimer des valeurs et des intérêts, à participer à l’écriture du droit ainsi qu’à la construction de l’action publique. Débattre, délibérer, ordonner, normer, contrôler, décider : si les parlements ne détiennent pas de monopoles en la matière, ils n’en demeurent pas moins des instances clefs des systèmes politiques contemporains en offrant – c’est là leur caractéristique – une parole pluraliste, instituée et publique.
Parce qu’ils condensent une grande diversité de dimensions, les débats se prêtent à une multitude d’approches conceptuelles, méthodologiques et disciplinaires : sociologie et science politique en premier lieu, mais aussi histoire, philosophie, ethnométhodologie, anthropologie et lexicométrie. Présentant, à partir d’un vaste matériau empirique, un aperçu de cette diversité, cet ouvrage met en évidence leurs apports respectifs. En faisant dialoguer les chercheurs français avec des universitaires européens et américains reconnus pour beaucoup comme parmi les meilleurs spécialistes dans leur domaine, ce livre donne à entendre, au-delà d’une apparente marginalisation de l’institution parlementaire, la tonalité unique d’une parole prononcée depuis l’hémicycle.

l'instrumentation de l'actionHalpern, Charlotte, Lascoumes, Pierre, Le Galès, Patrick, (dir.), L’Instrumentation de l’action publique : Controverses, résistance, effets. Paris : Les Presses de Sciences Po, 2014. 520 p.

Abstract (in French): Comment s’organise l’action collective ? Comment les acteurs coopèrent-ils ? La recherche en sciences sociales a donné des réponses très diverses à ces questions. Cet ouvrage propose de centrer l’attention sur les aspects concrets et sur les supports matériels de l’action collective : les instruments, les outils et les dispositifs tels qu’ils sont aujourd’hui mobilisés pour analyser les marchés, le capitalisme, les entreprises et différentes formes d’action collective liées à l’autorité publique. Dix ans après la parution de Gouverner par les instruments, ce nouvel opus dresse un bilan des débats et des controverses sur l’instrumentation en dialoguant avec d’autres champs d’études (sciences de gestion, histoire et économie) et discute la notion d’instrumentation à partir de travaux récents portant sur le climat, les services environnementaux,les droits de propriété, la dette publique, les journées mémorielles, la gestion des squats, etc. Une richesse des débats qui confirme le caractère fécond de la réflexion sur l’instrumentation pour penser les sciences sociales et l’action collective aujourd’hui.

Farrall, Stephen et Hay, Colin, (dir.), The Legacy of Thatcherism: Assessing and Exploring Thatcherite Social and Economic Policies. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014. 260 p.

Abstract: Three decades after the election of Margaret Thatcher as Prime Minister, it is perhaps time to take stock of the concept of ‘Thatcherism’ and the prominent role it has played in the history of post-war Britain. Of course, there is much debate about what Thatcherism actually was or is. Some commentators argue that Thatcherism was more noteworthy for its rhetoric than for its achievements. The welfare state, for example, triggered little changes after eleven years of Thatcherism. Some historians additionally suggest that other social forces that existed prior to Thatcher will outlast her. Yet, whichever way one looks at it, the Thatcherite project of the 1980s brought about a fundamental reorganisation of much of the UK’s social and economic life. Did Thatcherite policies dramatically alter the trajectory of the country’s development? Can even long-term and seemingly enduring path dependencies be altered as dramatically as claimed? Ought Thatcher’s period in office be seen as a ‘critical juncture’ for the UK? This book brings together a range of experts in housing, economics, law and order, education, welfare, families, geography and politics to discuss the enduring legacy of those social and economic policies initiated by the first of the UK’s New Right governments (1979-1990).

Hay, Colin, Hudson, David, Lee, Donna, et al, International Political Economy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. 512 p.

Abstract: This textbook provides a systematic introduction to international political ecomomy. It covers the major approaches to globalization and governance in international political economy, as well as contemporary issues, and key controversies and debates. International Political Economy is divided into three parts. The first part covers the major theoretical perspectives on IPE, the second part introduces the reader to the globalization debate, mapping out the major changes in IPE since the inter-war period, and the final part turns to patterns of politics in the world economy.

Programmare i territoriPolizzi, Emanuele, Tajani, Cristina, Vitale, Tommaso. Programmare i territori del welfare. Attori, meccanismi ed effetti. Roma : Carocci, 2013. (248).

Abstract: In times of austerity and welfare retrenchment, social service planning is a strategic issue. Many actors put their efforts on it: local administrations officials, professionals, non-profit sector leaders, social workers, labour unions. This book deals with the outcomes of this planning process in the province of Milan. It focuses in particular on planning the social services provision, their modes of governance, the motivations of the actors involved in it. The volume compares different case studies in which local administrations have improved their capacity to working together, getting to know their territories and their resources and planning to provide collective goods for solidarity, as well as copying with critical situations and planning failures. By discussing the mechanisms underlining these outcomes, this book contributes to understanding regulation and organization modes through which the different actors coordinate their action and produce social innovation.

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Publications from the Latvian Institute of International Affairs

Latvia bookLogo LatviaAndris Sprūds, ed. Latvian Foreign Policy Yearbook 2013. Riga: Latvian Institute of International Affairs, 2014.
The publication is available on
The Latvian Institute of International Affairs launches its first annual Foreign Policy Yearbook to address the issue of continuity and change in Latvia’s foreign policy. Although this analytic endeavour brings together authors with a diversity of backgrounds, they are united in their willingness to facilitate the understanding of the place and tools of a small country in international affairs. This publication reflects on the major foreign policy vectors, outlines views on prospective developments, introduces additional themes and provides policy recommendations.

Karlis Bukovskis, ed. The Politics of Economic Sustainability: Baltic and Visegrad Responses to the European Economic Crisis. Riga: Latvian Institute of International Affairs, 2014.
The publication will be available on soon after February 24, 2014.
This collection of articles is an attempt by an international collective of authors to explain the political economy of the long and winding road of the Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) and the four Visegrad countries (Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) in facing the economic and financial problems domestically and/or on the European level. Authors from all countries contributed their ideas, explanations and projections on the future development in their respective countries based upon the lessons learned. The book chronicles the economic environments and challenges and compares the political and social results of diverse macroeconomic choices that have been made in the seven European Union member states.

Recent Publications from the Swedish Institute of International Affairs

logo uiArjen Boin, Magnus Ekengren and Mark Rhinard, The EU as Crisis Manager: Patterns and Prospects, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

UI’s Mark Rhinard, together with colleagues Arjen Boin from the University of Utrecht and Magnus Ekengren from the Swedish National Defence College, has published a book discerning the EU’s crisis management capabilities. The book received the Hugo Raab-award from the Swedish National Defence College, conferred to research of particularly high quality.

Abstract: The European Union is increasingly being asked to manage crises inside and outside the Union. From terrorist attacks to financial crises, and natural disasters to international conflicts, many crises today generate pressures to collaborate across geographical and functional boundaries. What capacities does the EU have to manage such crises? Why and how have these capacities evolved? How do they work and are they effective? This book offers an holistic perspective on EU crisis management. It defines the crisis concept broadly and examines EU capacities across policy sectors, institutions and agencies. The authors describe the full range of EU crisis management capacities that can be used for internal and external crises. Using an institutionalization perspective, they explain how these different capacities evolved and have become institutionalized. This highly accessible volume illuminates a rarely examined and increasingly important area of European cooperation.

Björn Fägersten, Alessandro Marrone, Martín Ortega, and Roderick Parkes, Towards a European Global Strategy: Securing European Influence in a Changing World, EGS Project, 2013, available at:

Björn Fägersten (UI), together with Alessandro Marrone (IAI), Martín Ortega (RIE), and Roderick Parkes (PISM), colleagues within the European Global Strategy Project, published the report “Towards a Global European Strategy” in May 2013 with the aim to stimulate debate on the future direction of the European Union’s external relations. The report was the result of a year-long research project initiated by the Governments of Italy, Poland, Spain and Sweden.

Abstract: The principal aims of the European Union are to promote its shared values, peace and the wellbeing of its peoples. Achieving these aspirations depends heavily on developments beyond its borders. On-going transformations at the global, regional and European levels create opportunities as well as challenges for the Union and demand strategic thinking on an ambitious and assertive external agenda. This report on a European global strategy offers guidance on this long-term endeavor. By deriving long-term interests from the EU’s principal aims, Europeans will be better able to live and act in accordance with their values. This report therefore identifies six preconditions, or vital European interests, for protecting Europe’s peace, well-being and shared values. In order to secure these vital interests, eleven strategic objectives are suggested along with the necessary adaptations to the EU’s existing toolbox.

Erik Brattberg and Mark Rhinard, Actorness and Effectiveness in International Disaster Relief: The European Union and United States in Comparative Perspective, International Relations, 2013, vol.27:3, pp. 356-374.

Abstract: This article examines the role of the European Union (EU) and United States as actors in international disaster relief. We take the analysis of ‘actorness’ one step further than normal by assessing the extent to which different aspects of EU and US actorness led to effectiveness in actual outcomes. In doing so, we make two contributions. First, we provide a rare comparison between EU and US foreign policy actorness, shedding light on the actor capability of each bloc in the area of international disaster relief. Second, we specify the relationship between actorness and effectiveness, a relationship which is too often assumed rather than explored. Using previous research of EU and US actorness as a starting point, we link four aspects of actorness to effectiveness and assess the resulting hypotheses using the case of the 2010 Haiti earthquake. We find support for our proposed links between actorness and effectiveness, although further research is needed before robust conclusions can be drawn.

Publications from the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI)

logo IAISeven new reports on the EU institutions and policies from the Istituto Affari Internazionali  – IAI, December 2013 – January 2014

Michael Emerson and Alessandro Giovannini, European Fiscal and Monetary Policy: A Chicken and Egg Dilemma, (Imagining Europe No. 2) 9 December 2013, 42 p.

The launch of the Euro saw the creation of a two-tier Europe, but systemic defects led subsequently to the current crisis of the Eurozone, resulting in a much more complex and problematic set of core-periphery relations between north and south. The preeminent role of Germany in the north is pointing to the lack of democratic legitimacy in the whole construction. The idea of creating a banking union and fiscal union is in principle aimed at restoring unity to the Eurozone and ensuring its effectiveness. While negotiations over the banking union are ongoing, the recent fiscal innovations are not even approaching the constitution of a sustainable fiscal union. A more federalistic fiscal structure is needed, but this demands major political leadership.

di Thanos Dokos, Eleonora Poli, Chiara Rosselli, Eduard Soler i Lecha e Nathalie Tocci, Eurocriticism: The Eurozone Crisis and Anti-Establishment Groups in Southern Europe, (IAI Working Papers 1333) 10 December 2013, 17 p.

The paper was prepared in the framework of the project “New Voices in the European Debate”, coordinated by Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI)

The Eurozone crisis and the ensuing public disaffection towards what many view as deficient EU institutions and policies, have resulted in a surge of euroscepticism across member states. Although euroscepticism is not a new phenomenon, the rise of mass anti- establishment movements notably in southern Europe is. Despite their different political and structural features, Five Star Movement in Italy, Syriza in Greece and several social movements sprung from the Indignados in Spain, have recently become key actors in their national political arena by opposing, inter alia, EU-imposed austerity. Yet these movements are not anti-EU in total; while they criticize what they view as the EU’s lack of democracy and rigid economic policies, they are not opposed to the EU integration project as such. While a fine line distinguishes euroscepticism from eurocriticism, provided such distinction is made, the critique of these movements could be galvanized into a constructive force for a more integrated EU political space.

Juliette Tolay, The EU and Turkey’s Asylum Policy in Light of the Syrian Crisis, (GTE Policy Brief  No. 10) 15 January 2014, 6 p.

The document was prepared for the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) in the context of the IAI-Istanbul Policy Center-Mercator Foundation project “Turkey, Europe and the World”, January 2014.

In the past, Turkey’s asylum policy was considered as highly deficient, in comparison with the higher standards of the EU. Recently, this perception has been changing, with Turkey’s newly adopted law on foreigners, which contrasts with the EU’s slow-paced moves towards standardizing asylum policies and its restrictive approaches towards Syrian refugees. Unlike the EU’s de facto closed-door policy for many Syrian refugees, Turkey has applied so far an open-door policy towards Syrian citizens seeking refuge at its southern borders, welcoming more than 600,000 since June 2011. Moving forward, there seem to be many ways in which Turkey and the EU could work together on refugee policy in general, and on the Syrian refugee crisis in particular. At the core of this reassessment of asylum practices is the need to take seriously the concept of solidarity, meaning solidarity among EU member states, solidarity with countries hosting large numbers of refugees in the region, and, most importantly, solidarity with the refugees themselves.

Andrea Renda, The Digital Infrastructure as the Next “EU Grand Project, (Imagining Europe No. 3) 17 January 2014, 32 p.

The paper was presented at the IAI conference on “Infrastructure, transport and communications in post-crisis Europe”, Rome, 20 January 2014.

The global economy is entering a new “age of connectivity”, spurred by the increased availability of “always on” broadband communications. This is creating new challenges for policymakers: infrastructure and connectivity emerge as key priorities for public policy and essential preconditions for global competitiveness. How is the EU positioned in this global race? This paper argues that the EU’s approach to the information society was ill-conceived, and has led to an unnecessary and undesirable fragmentation of the market. Key EU policymakers have realized only recently that, absent a significant shift in pace, the EU will not be able to keep up with global competitiveness due to a lack of integrated, connected, smart infrastructure. Key areas in which substantial change is needed include incentives and PPPs for broadband rollout, spectrum policy, net neutrality and, overall, competition policy for the high-tech market. The paper explores potential policy options for the future of the EU digital agenda, argues that a gradual “evolution” is not sufficient for the EU to regain its leadership in the ICT sector, and proposes policy scenarios for a more united, effective and “digital” Europe.

di Stefano Riela, Transport, Communications and Infrastructure in a United and Effective Europe, (Imagining Europe No.4) 17 January 2014, 42 p.

The paper was presented at the IAI conference on “Infrastructure, transport and communications in post-crisis Europe”, Rome, 20 January 2014.

Transport, communications and infrastructure are at the heart of the Single Market. However, a more united and effective Europe requires a new and upgraded relevant infrastructure, greater liberalisation, and service provision regulated by more homogenous rules. This reform process has financial, social and political costs. In spite of these, all Member States have an incentive to advance the Single Market project. Incentives for member states to leave the core group, once the project has started or has been completed – thus causing huge damages – should be counterbalanced by heavy penalties. The current crisis reduces the risk that public investment crowds-out private investment. However, public resources are needed in this policy area. As such, a golden rule for the Stability and Growth Pact to exclude investment spending in EU infrastructure as far as the Excessive Deficits Procedure is concerned would be welcome. Finally, avoiding sub-28 governance models could improve the EU’s influence over the international rules of the game. Europe’s “single market” has to evolve into “a single Europe in the global market” where unity is physically intertwined with effectiveness.

Ahmed Ali M. al Mukhaini, EU-GCC Cooperation in the Fields of Higher Education and Scientific Research: The Way Forward, (Sharaka Sharaka Research Papers No. 6) 23 January 2014, 29 p.

Document produced in the framework of the Sharaka project, January 2014

This policy paper seeks to understand the factors that have inhibited significant progress in relations between the European Union (EU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), with particular focus on higher education and scientific research (HESR). Based on informal discussions held with opinion leaders and government officials in Oman as well as insights from meetings and discussions held in Brussels in 2011 with representatives of the EU Commission, European Parliament and NGOs, the paper outlines and discusses the factors responsible for the lack of progress in the cooperation. These factors can be classified into four categories: structural/ institutional challenges; political challenges; philosophical challenges; and logistical challenges. Based on the assumption that progress in economic development and scientific research is highly dependent on progress in higher education, as higher education builds up human capital, the paper argues that cooperation in higher education should be the locomotive leading the way for a greater engagement between the EU and the GCC. Furthermore, as the EU’s own experience suggests, cooperation in higher education is highly conducive to integration, stability and economic growth, all of which are valid concerns for the EU and GCC alike, and constitutes an area in which the two blocs can develop a greater sense of complementarity.

Edoardo Barzaghi, EU-GCC Cultural Relations and Representations of the Other in the Gulf Cultural Press: The Case of al-‘Arabī Magazine, (Sharaka Research Papers No. 7)  5 February 2014, 37 p.

Document produced in the framework of the Sharaka project, February 2014.

The aim of this paper is to point out the shortcomings that affect the EU-GCC relationships at the cultural stemming from the insufficient or flawed understanding of the EU as a geopolitical and historical entity. The paper will first briefly outline the main cultural biases influencing the European perspective of the Arab countries as well as the Arab perspective of the European countries. This discussion underlines how the EU countries generally do not view the GCC countries as constituting a separate region from other parts of the Arab world with its own distinct socio-economic and cultural dynamics. Likewise, the GCC countries more often than not perceive the EU countries as a very indefinite entity, usually referred to vaguely as “the West.” Then, the paper will examine one of the most important magazines in the Gulf, al-‘Arabī, as a case study of the different ways in which cultural issues related to Europe are discussed in the region. Some of the Europe-related articles from al-‘Arabī which deal with the perception of the other will be looked at in order to try to give the widest possible outlook of the main biases that still impede a fruitful cultural dialogue.