Recent publications from the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP) – Spring/summer 2016

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Study: “#EngagEUkraine. Engagement of Ukrainians in Poland and Germany”

 

IEP9Within the framework of the joined project “Ukrainians in Poland and Germany – Civic and Political Engagement, Expectations, and Courses of Action” of the Institute of Public Affairs (IPA), Warsaw, and the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP), Berlin, the complete study has now been published in German and in Polish. Based on a series of in-depth interviews with members of the Ukrainian diaspora living in Poland and Germany regarding their views on the Ukraine crisis and the future of Ukraine, including the question of EU-membership as well as their readiness to support the democracy movement in Ukraine, the authors of the study analyse various forms of civic engagement of Ukrainians living in Poland and Germany, specific obstacles they are facing and similarities as well as differences in Germany and Poland. The project was funded by Deutsch-Polnische Wissenschaftsstiftung (DPWS).

The publication (in German and in Polish) can be downloaded here.

Policy Paper: “How the Ukrainian Diasporic Community in Germany Contributes to EU’s Policy in its Home Country”

   

IEP10In this new IEP Policy Paper No. 9 the authors Ljdumyla Melnyk, Magdalena Patalong, Julian Plottka and Richard Steinberg deal with the topic “How the Ukrainian Diasporic Community in Germany Contributes to EU’s Policy in its Home Country”. Civic engagement of Ukrainians for their home country has dramatically increased since the protests on the Majdan in Kyiv started in November 2013. Based on the results of a joined research project on Ukrainian civic engagement in Germany and Poland of the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP) and the Institute of Public Affairs, Warsaw, the paper presents first results on the development of a Ukrainian civil society in Germany.

Following a mapping of the non-state actors involved and their fields of activity with regard to their support of Ukraine, the paper analyses why people are voluntarily getting engaged and what they are aiming for. Finally, the paper discusses whether these activities contribute to the EU’s policy towards Ukraine and how the EU could further support these actors in order to benefit from their activities.

The publication can be downloaded here.

Recent publications from the Prague Institute of International Relations (IIR) – Spring/summer 2016

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The Centre for International Law of the Institute of International Relations, Prague, has released a series of observations entitled “The International Law Reflections.” These observations illustrate the current and pressing issues in international law to the Czech general public.

Tamás Lattmann, Judgment in the Savchenko case, New International Law Reflections

Judgment in the Savchenko caseDebated judgment by a dubious judicial forum in a murky legal environment. The current analysis tries to shed some light to some of the legal questions, without examining the charges on their merits.

The publication is available here.

Tamás Lattmann, The case against Russia for the attack on flight MH17, New International Law Reflections

According to the news, a new legal proceeding has been initiated against Russia and its president Vladimir Putin for the downing of the Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 in the airspace of Ukraine on 17 July 2014. The present analysis by Tamás Lattmann examines the outlines of the case.

The publication is available here.

Recommendations from members of the TEPSA network to the incoming Slovak Presidency, May 2016

tepsahighThe Trans European Policy Studies Association (TEPSA) has the tradition to formulate recommendations to the incoming Council Presidency. These recommendations have been prepared by the following members of the TEPSA network: Iain Begg (TEPSA Board, LSE, London), Katrin Böttger (TEPSA Board, IEP, Berlin), Ilvija Bruģe (LIIA, Riga), Atilla Eralp (CES-METU, Ankara), Diāna Potjomkina (LIIA, Riga), Mark Rhinard (UI, Stockholm), Funda Tekin (CIFE, Berlin) and Guido Tiemann (IHS, Vienna). They do not necessarily represent the view of TEPSA or its member institutes.

Pre-Presidency 2016 BratislavaFunda Tekin presented the recommendations to the incoming Slovak Presidency at the occasion of the TEPSA-IESIR Pre-Presidency Conference on 2 and 3 June 2016 in Bratislava. The conference was organised by the Institute of European Studies and International Relations (IESIR), Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences, Comenius University in Bratislava in cooperation with the Trans European Policy Studies Association (TEPSA), and with the support of the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the PONT project.

Migration Crisis

TEPSA has urged previous EU presidencies to devise truly collective solutions to the migration crisis. This should be done out of principle as well as common sense – even the most self-interested, rationalist analysis shows that strengthened management of the EU’s common border, distribution of resources to assist with an orderly asylum process at overwhelmed entry points, and greater shared responsibility for hosting refugees will help to end the crisis. Yet state-centric solutions are on the rise, as the Visegrad Four’s refusal to accept refugee relocation and Hungary’s highly restrictive asylum criteria serve to illustrate. To make matters worse, the European Commission seems content to accept these individualistic solutions. The Commission’s proposals on migration reform, from both April and May of this year, allow for harsh treatment of asylum seekers at the external border in exchange for reinstating Schengen (reopening internal borders). TEPSA urges the Slovakian Presidency of the EU to resist this ‘deal with the devil’ and encourage member states to see beyond their short-term impulses in exchange for long-term, collective solutions.

EU-Turkey relations

Slovakia takes over the EU Presidency at a time when EU-Turkey relations are strained, but more vital than ever, not least because of the refugee crisis. The EU has re-discovered Turkey as a “key strategic partner” and restarted accession negotiations and the visa liberalization procedure with Turkey as well as strengthened institutional EU-Turkey relations through biannual EU-Turkey Summits and regular meetings at the highest levels. At the same time there has been backsliding in Turkey’s reform process vis-à-vis the Copenhagen criteria, while the authoritarian drift in Turkey’s political system continues unabated, with power increasingly in the hands of President Erdoğan.

We urge the Slovak Presidency to keep up the close and balanced dialogue and relations with Turkey. At the same time the EU Presidency should not turn a blind eye Turkish breaches of European values. Specifically we believe the Slovak Presidency can play a key role by:

  • Pushing for the EU to take a clear stance on EU-Turkey relations as well as calling on Turkey to accept and act according to the respective conditions and rules. The visa liberalization procedure, for example, should only be finalized if Turkey implements the reforms linked to the procedure including the anti-terror law.
  • Provide external incentives for internal reforms: the next chapters of accession negotiations that should be opened – if any – are Chapters 23 and 24.
  • Ensure full implementation of the EU-Turkey Deal: although contested, the EU-Turkey Deal has caused a decrease in migration to the Greek islands. This deal needs full commitment on both sides. Inside the EU, the Slovak Presidency would provide a strong signal by committing to the resettlement programme as part of the EU-Turkey Deal, because a fair burden-sharing among EU Member States is essential for its success. At the same time “outsourcing” of migration management should not be the EU’s sole strategy: the Slovak presidency needs to ensure that financial and structural support to Greece continues.
Populism

In the last decade, increasingly euro-sceptical populism – mainly, but not only, right-wing – has been evident in most member states of the European Union. Populist notions are particularly effective in political domains which are inherently complicated, driven by symbolic politics, and characterised by low levels of public information on many key facets of European integration.

TEPSA calls on the incoming Slovak presidency to recognise, and respond to, three major drivers of populist euro-scepticism:

  • Policy gridlock within and among EU institutions;
  • A lack of popular support and legitimacy;
  • The democratic deficit of the European Union.

We urge the Slovak Presidency to counter the growing negativity by shifting the discourse from one that portrays so many common policies as a zero-sum game played among the member states, to one that emphasises the positive-sum outcomes from well-conceived policies that benefit all member states.

EU-Russia and EU-Ukraine relations

Given its external border with Ukraine, Slovakia has a strong interest in fostering a coherent and effective EU policy towards Russia. Progress towards a resolution of the Ukraine crisis can be advanced by:

  • Continuing the two-track approach of supporting Ukraine and the other Eastern Partnership countries in their transformation processes while at the same time stabilising and diversifying EU-relations with Russia. A key facet of this that the Slovak Presidency should encourage is a more active EU investment policy in Ukraine, in order to decrease the proportion of Russian capital, especially in strategic industries
  • But also acknowledging that the expression “Minsk II is dead” becomes progressively harder to refute in successive meetings of the Normandy format. Since they appear to achieve little or no progress in their negotiations, the Slovakian council presidency should seek alternative ways to overcome this stalemate. If a clearer path is not found by the end of the Slovak presidency, there is substantial danger of the conflict in eastern Ukraine ossifying.

With regards to the reform processes in Russia and the Eastern Partnership countries, the Slovak Presidency should build on the momentum from the ‘Panama Papers’ to work towards EU insistence on greater financial transparency and accountability in these countries. Such an initiative would help to deter repetition of scenarios witnessed in the case of Moldova, where the seemingly pro-European elite was engaged in large-scale corruption, and would be effective as a type of sanctions against Russian officials violating norms of international security and human rights. In particular, increased attention must be paid to suspicious deals involving EU nationals and EaP and Russian partners, especially regarding laundered funds located in the EU. The reform process should aim to achieve the progressive substitution of post-Soviet business norms by Western business ethics. Concerning EU-Russia relations, Slovakia will have the difficult task of negotiating amongst the EU-member states and their differing stances concerning the future development of these relations. In the spirit of not seeking to ‘punish’ societies for the actions of their governments and promoting closer ties between European and Russian societies there should also be attention to positive incentives. These should include new strategies for engaging Russian civil society through such instruments as massively increased students’ and youth exchanges, academic cooperation and track II dialogues with easier Schengen entry procedures for Russian nationals. These exchange opportunities may be not only bilateral (EU-Russia) but also involve Eastern Partnership countries.

The economy

Although the recent improvement in Eurozone growth is encouraging, the recovery from the crisis remains fragile. It is, therefore, a disappointment that the efforts of successive presidencies to revive the Europe 2020 strategy have been ineffectual. An approach going beyond the worthy but limited ambitions of the European Fund for Strategic Investment – the Juncker Plan – is needed to demonstrate to increasingly sceptical publics that the EU can make a difference. The Slovak Presidency should seize the opportunity to give fresh momentum to the Europe 2020 strategy or a successor strategy, focusing relentlessly on jobs and growth. The EU needs a budget fit for the challenges of today rather than the previous century. After the high-level group on own resources, chaired by Mario Monti, presents its report, it will be incumbent on the Slovak Presidency to ensure that its findings are acted upon and not left on the shelf to gather dust. Specifically a clear timetable with binding deadlines should be set for implementing new own resources.

Click here to dowload the PDF version of TEPSA’s recommendations

Recent publications from the Institute for World Economics, Research Centre for Economic and Regional Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences – Spring 2016

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Tomasz Berg, Zsuzsánna Biedermann, Rudolf Fürst, Ondřej Horký-Hlucháň, Jan Hornát, Dariusz Kałan, Patryk Kugiel, Marian Majer, Jan Němec, Judit Ricz, Balázs Sárvári, Justyna Szczudlik, Ágnes Szunomár, Marek Wąsiński, Damian Wnukowski, Patryk Kugiel (eds.), 
V4 goes global: exploring opportunities and obstacles in the Visegrad Countries’ cooperation with Brazil, India, China and South Africa
Warsaw: PISM (Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych / The Polish Institute Of International Affairs), 2016. 85 p. (ISBN: 978-83-64895-72-2)

András György Deák (ed.), The end of an era in Eurasia? : Conflict in Eastern Ukraine and economic downturn in the post-Soviet space : In memoriam Zsuzsa LudvigBudapest: Institute of World Economics, Centre for Economic and Regional Studies, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2015. The beloved colleague and experienced senior researcher of the post-Soviet region died 29th October 2014. (East European Studies; 6.) (ISBN:978-963-301-627-5)

 

Andrea Éltető, Ágnes Szunomár, “Chinese investment and trade – strengthening ties with Central and Eastern Europe, in International Journal of Business and Management, Vol. IV (1), pp. 24-48

Csaba Weiner, Kálmán Kalota, Andrea Éltető, Magdolna Sass, Rossiiskie investicii v Visegradskih stranah: kladbishse teorii (Российские инвестиции в Вишеградских странах: кладбище теорий), in Sovremennaa Evropa (Современная Европа), Vol. 16. No. 6. pp. 60–76

Jámbor, Attila, Miklós Somai, Sándor Kovács,  “Tíz év az Európai Unióban-az új tagországok agrárteljesítményei” [A decade in the EU: the agricultural performances of the new member-states], in Közgazdasági Szemle (Economic Review – monthly of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences) 63.3 (2016): 260-284

Andrea Szalavetz, Policy support to commercialisation and Europe’s commercialisation gap, in International Journal of Technology Transfer and Commercialisation, Vol. 13, Nos. 3/4, 2015

IWE Working Papers:

Csaba Weiner, Central and East European Diversification under New Gas Market Conditions, February 2016

Recent publications from the Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ – Spring 2016

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Adriaan Schout, Why a national referendum does not work, but a European one will

In this article, Adriaan Schouts reflects on the broader implications of the recent Dutch referendum on the EU-Ukraine association agreement. According to the author, the Dutch events have proven how a national referendum can paralyse joint decision making.

Against the background of the ongoing debate on the alleged European democratic deficit, the author claims that the Netherlands should launch a discussion in the EU on whether national referenda on EU-wide issues should be replaced by EU-wide referenda.

This ‘no’ is not only a Dutch problem, argues Adriaan Schout, but calls for a structural European democratic response. Other countries, too, will have to ask themselves whether this may provide a solution to the democratic deficit.

The full article can be accessed here.

Past events at Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP) – Winter 2015/16

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Civic School for Sound EU Practice: First series of trainings for representatives from Ukrainian CSOs successfully concluded in Chernihiv, Lviv and Odessa,
December 2015-February 2016

From December 2015 up until the first week of February 2016 a total of five four day long workshops within the second and third cycle of workshops of the Civic School for Sound EU Practice (CiSEP) were successfully implemented in the Ukrainian cities Chernihiv, Lviv and Odessa. They concluded the first series of trainings within the CiSEP and were were conducted by Constanze Aka and Martin Stein, project managers at the IEP, for members of civil society organisations from all over Ukraine.

The workshops gradually built up on each other in order to enable the participants to critically monitor and effectively influence the implementation of the Association Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine. In order to achieve this objective, the workshops had two components: knowledge transfer and skills/tools. The knowledge transfer provided the participants with information on the Association Agreement in general and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area in particular. In interactive training sessions the participants developed their monitoring skills. The sessions were led by experts from administrative bodies and civil society organizations in EU member and candidate countries.

The long-term project creates a sustainable network and synergies for the cooperation of participating Civil Society Organizations. In addition, the second series of workshops will start in April on Project Cycle Management in the form of a Training for Trainers.

The project is implemented in cooperation with Polissya Foundation for International and Regional Studies (Chernihiv, Ukraine) and supported by the German Federal Foreign Office.

More information on the project can be found here.

IEP/GIZ EU trainer programme for Ukrainian Civil Servants completed: Study visit Berlin, Zagreb, Belgrade
24-31 January 2016

From 24 to 31 January 2016 Ms Anne Bercio, project leader at the IEP, and a group of 15 civil servants of the Ukrainian Government Office for European Integration and various line ministries attended a study visit to Germany, Croatia and Serbia.
The main objective of the visit was to further consolidate knowledge and networks from the three-month EU trainer programme previously implemented in Kyiv.
To this end participants visited the central EU coordinating bodies in all three capitals (Auswärtiges Amt, Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy, MFA in Croatia, Serbian European Integration Office). Appointments at the Representation of Sachsen-Anhalt to the Federal level, the National Assembly of Serbia as well Civil Society Activists in Zagreb and Belgrade complemented the visit.

In the context of training the current and future officials of Ukrainian ministries and agencies to cope with the challenges associated with the implementation of the Association Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine, the objective of this study visit for GOEI was to foster know-how and competences of key stakeholders in the field of EU coordination and strengthen networks among EUIOs as well as with relevant German, Croatian, and Serbian stakeholders.
The programme is kindly supported by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ).

More information on the project can be found here.

First Workshop implemented for the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine

Prof. Dr. Mathias Jopp, Director of the IEP, and Anne Bercio, Project Leader at the IEP, successfully implemented the first workshop at the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on basics of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA). With the EU-Ukraine DCFTA entering into force on January 1, 2016, the series aims at enabling members of the Verkhovna Rada to understand the content, pre-requisites, and legal dimensions of the Association Agreement for sound implementation. The participants are members of parliamentary committees and secretaries in the Verkhovna Rada.
The project is kindly supported by the Federal Foreign Office of the Republic of Germany.

More information on the project can be found here.

Kick-off Workshop for Training on Quality Infrastructure for the Ukrainian Ministry of Economic Development and Trade implemented in Kyiv
16-17 December 2015, Kyiv

From 16 to 17 December 2015 Anne Bercio, Senior Project Manager at the IEP, successfully started a training series in cooperation with the Ukrainian Ministry of Economic Development and Trade (MEDT) in Kyiv on Quality Infrastructure (QI). The kick-off workshop provided an introduction to the overall training topic on QI and covered its terminology as well as institutional transition paths and basics of legal alignment.
With the preliminary entering into force of the EU-Ukraine DCFTA on January 1, 2016, this training series is aimed at enabling employees of the MEDT and line ministries to gradually eliminate technical barriers to trade and harmonise the national system of technical regulations in order to fulfil the obligations that come with this Agreement.

Recent publications from the Prague Institute of International Relations – Winter 2015/16

 

Prague Institute of Intl Relations

pub1Uroš Svete, Damijan Guštin, Janja Vuga, Rok Zupančič, Jelena Juvan, The Small State Facing Asymmetric Environment: A Reconsideration of the Identity? – The Slovenian Experience, Institute of International Relations, Prague, ISBN 978-80-87558-24-9.

The book The Small State Facing Asymmetric Environment: A Reconsideration of the Identity? – The Slovenian Experience, which was co-authored by our Associate Research Fellow Rok Zupančič and published by the IIR publishing house, analyses asymmetry in warfare from the perspective of a small nation by combining a historical, a defence-strategic and also a wider security approach, including certain moral-legal and technological dimensions. Its primary objective is to prove that small countries, “often endowed” with rich historical experience, can also significantly contribute to discussions of asymmetric warfare and understandings of conflicts. It thus aims to fill a gap in the field, as similar studies in the field mostly focus on powerful states. The book mainly focuses on Slovenian asymmetric experiences, as Slovenia went through a series of dramatic alterations in the last 60 years. The Slovenes were forced to use an asymmetric approach during the Second World War, but today Slovenia is a part of both NATO and the EU alliance. And thus it is increasingly faced with situations where an asymmetric approach is used against it (especially in Afghanistan). The book also analyses how the still present and strong historical memories of asymmetric warfare cause almost schizophrenic political and social reactions and a huge identity crisis in Slovenia. The authors argue that in Slovenia the division within the nation, which has escalated in World War II and the years that followed, is still present nowadays, and the planned reconciliation of the nation has not happened yet.

pub 2Petr Kratochvíl, Věra Řiháčková, Domestic political context since 1989: Russia as a dividing element in Czech society, Jacek Kucharczyk and Grigorij Mesežnikov (eds.), Commissioned by the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung offices in Prague and Warsaw, Warsaw, 2015, ISBN: 978-80-906270-2-4 (Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Prague, Opatovická 28, Praha 1, 110 00, Czech Republic).
In “Diverging Voices, Converging Policies: The Visegrad States’ Reactions to the Russia-Ukraine Conflict”

In order to explain the differing reactions of individual Visegrad countries to the Russia-Ukraine Conflict, the offices of the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung in Prague and Warsaw asked their partner organizations to systematically analyze how these countries have dealt with the Russia-Ukraine conflict. The result is the report “Diverging Voices, Converging Policies: The Visegrad States’ Reactions to the Russia-Ukraine Conflict”. Particular consideration was to be given to the differing historical experiences, public opinions, economic relations, and energy and foreign policies of the Visegrad countries. Our Director Petr Kratochvíl co-authored (together with Věra Říháčková) one of the contributions to this report.

Lukáš Tichý, The EU Integration Discourse in the Energy Relations with Russia, Slovak Journal of Political Sciences. Volume 16, Issue 1, Pages 60–85, ISSN (Online) 1335-9096, DOI: 10.1515/sjps-2016-0004, January 2016.

The energy issue has long been one of the most discussed and controversial topics in relations between the European Union and the Russian Federation. The intention of the present article is to provide an attempt to overcome the largely non-discursive way of looking at the energy interaction of the EU and the RF, a view which is also anchored in the security conditions, and to analyze EU energy relations with Russia in the years 2004 – 2014 through an integration discourse. On the theoretical level, the article is based on a critical constructivism, which in relation to the discourse as the main concept reflects a number of fundamental knowledge. At the methodological level, the article is based on discourse analysis as a basic methodological tool through which the author examines the EU text documents.

pub 3Michal Kořan et al., V4 Trust – the Czech Presidency of the Visegrad Group (2015–2016), The Think Visegrad – V4 Think Tank Platform, International Visegrad Fund, February 2016.

The V4 Presidency Mid-Term Review Report assesses the first half of the Czech V4 presidency and suggests key recommendations for the remaining time of the presidency. The assessment is based on the Presidency’s own priorities, but also on the overall context in which the Presidency is taking place. The report is based on individual opinions of its authors and also, partly, on existing analyses provided by Think Visegrad throughout the year 2015.

Editorial TEPSA Newsletter September 2014: “The Neighbouring Policy of the European Union: it is Soft Power that is needed!”, by Prof. Jaap de Zwaan, TEPSA Secretary General

Map editorialIn a period of ten years the geopolitical situation at the external borders of the European Union has completely changed. Of course, the Israeli-Palestine conflict unfortunately is a lasting one, during the last decade the situation has in fact only worsened. However, apart from that central problem, a lot of unrest and conflicts have occurred in our neighbourhood. First the invasion in Iraq. Then the Arab Spring which has become an Arab Winter if not worse. The revolution resulted in an unstable Arab world, giving rise inter alia to a civil war in Syria which is now out of control. It also paved the way for a Northern Africa in transformation (Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and recently also Algeria where a French tourist was murdered by a terrorist group). Since a couple of years, we furthermore experience a massive influx of migrants and refugees coming from Northern and Central Africa, looking for a better future notably in Europe. Recently the cruelties of IS in Iraq and Syria have only added to the disasters and dramas which already took place in that region.

This year, also the border between Ukraine and the Russian Federation was unilaterally modified by Russia: an unprecedented violation of the territorial integrity of an independent state in Europe’s recent history. As a consequence, the relationship between the EU and the Russian Federation is now full of tensions, whereas the Union is faced with a weakened Ukraine at her Eastern external borders.
This being so, one has to recognize that the last ten years the EU has more or less neglected the relations with her neighbours. The enlargements of 2004, 2007 and 2013 as well as the economic crisis kept us busy. Moreover our approach with regard to the new Eastern neighbours (ENP, Eastern Partnership) is a rather artificial one. In the course of the negotiations to conclude an association agreement, the EU requires them to implement our norms, values and policies. However, the new neighbours -although clearly European states- are not allowed to become new inhabitants of our common house, if it is only in the long run. Such an approach appears to be contradictory and has to change. Peace and security on the European continent requires us to develop a new policy.

We should start to fully exercise our Soft Power capacity in our relations with all our neighbours, whether in the East or in the South. First of all humanitarian aid has to be provided where necessary. Then assistance is needed in the process of reconstruction and institution building, including the setting up of independent judiciaries. We must also support economic reforms and democratic changes. Apart from that, the development of people to people contacts and academic cooperation has to be stimulated. Student and youth exchanges as well as internship programs should be developed. Of course preliminary conditions and requirements also have to be set: notably the firm aspiration of the neighbour in question to strive at democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law.

At a certain moment this approach has also to be applied in the contacts with the Russian Federation. Because, whether you like it or not, Russia is an important neighbour of the EU. The development of stable relations with that country can only contribute to stability on the whole European continent. In that context it can also facilitate the intensification of our contacts with former Soviet Republics: Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus, as well as in the Southern Caucasus: Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan. As to the energy sector, an interdependence between Russia and the EU does already exist. However, in the future Russia may also become an important market for our small-, medium-sized and big companies. Moreover well-developed people to people contacts are more than welcome. Be that as it may, first of all satisfactory solutions for the outstanding military, political and economic problems in Ukraine have to be found.

So, an innovated neighbourhood policy has to be developed in the coming period as a priority of EU policy, in the interest of peace and security on our European continent. For that purpose initiatives are to be expected in the first place from the European Commission: a new but challenging responsibility of the new commissioner for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations, Johannes Hahn!

Picture source: http://eeas.europa.eu/enp/images/enpmap-web-big.gif

Past Events at the Romanian Center for European Policies (CRPE) – Spring 2014

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Activities on the Republic of Moldova

CRPE – both Romanian and Moldovan branches – has built up a framework of extensive cooperation between the two countries and through its “EU-Moldova Think Tank Dialogue”project (financed by the Romanian MFA), it aims at addressing in a consistent manner the main issues that Republic of Moldova will face in its future Europeanization process. The eumoldovadialogue.eu platform brings together providers of expertise – European think-tanks interested in Eastern Partnership countries. Studies and reports have been published, debated and disseminated through the EU Think Tank Dialogue platform.

Recently, the Romanian Center for European Policies (CRPE) in partnership with Foreign Policy Association (APE) Republic of Moldova and the German-Moldovan Forum organized the third edition of the EU-Moldova Forum (2014) in Balti, Republic of Moldova (19-20 June 2014).

CRPE – R. Moldova in partnership with Centre for Analysis and Prevention of Corruption (CAPC) and Expert Forum is implementing the project “Building public support for anti-corruption efforts of the National Integrity Commission” (financed by Finnish Embassy of Bucharest) which aims to strengthen the communication of National Integrity Commission with civil society and mass-media from Republic of Moldova in order to ensure awareness, objectivity, transparency, integrity in the context of prevention and co-fight against corruption in Moldova. Within this project, CRPE – R. Moldova and CAPC organized several events

Round Table “Communication activity of the National Integrity Commission: Current and Future Strategies”, 14 February 2014

The main objective of this round table was to set up the main directions of the Communication Strategy of the National Integrity Commission. More information can be found here.

Round Table “Building public support for NIC’s objectives”, 12 May 2014

The event focused specifically on the National Integrity Commission priority to overcome loopholes and to build institutional practices for treatment and sanction of conflicts of interest and incompatibilities. More information can be found here.

Training “How do we communicate to the public about conflicts of interest and wealth declarations? NIC’s communication with the mass media and civil society” 13 May, 2014

The purpose of this training was to familiarize the media representatives and civil society about the conflicts of interest and to identify best practices for communicating this subject to the public. More information can be found here.

Round table “How do we communicate to the public about conflicts of interest and wealth declarations? NIC’s communication with the mass media and civil society” 6 June, 2014

This event had 2 goals: (1) to inform the representatives of civil society and mass media from outside of Chisinau about conflicts of interest and wealth declarations and (2) to debate final draft of the Communication Strategy of the NIC in order to be adopted as an important step for a greater communication of NIC with civil society and mass media from R. Moldova.

The current state of development of Moldova in the process of accession to EU is characterized by importance of economic development (strategy Moldova 2020) and the need to fight with corruption. In this respect, CRPE – R. Moldova implemented the project “Good Governance – an essential tool for economic development” funded by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Estonia, that aimed to promote the ideas of Good Governance (GG) in Moldova by organizing a spring school for students and young civil servants as well as a study trip of partners to Estonia and by providing an opportunity for 5 students to study at Euro College of Tartu University.

More information can be found here.

Activities on Ukraine

In collaboration with the Institute of World Policy from Ukraine, CRPE implemented the second edition of Civic Forum Romania-Ukraine in January 2014 (financed by the Development Assistance Unit of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) – the Bratislava Regional Center). The aim of this forum was to strengthen the bilateral relations between Romania and Ukraine by building expert networks between the two states and by establishing the premises of the civil society involvement in the bilateral relations both in Ukraine and in Romania.

Specific objectives of the Forum included: identifying resources for collaboration and policy areas in which to annihilate inaccurate stereotypes and inoperative approaches in the bilateral relationship, defining the current status of the Romanian-Ukrainian relations, the implications in European and international context; contribution to support Ukraine’s European integration process.